M

PIR1BJBILJF

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1845, by

CAREY & HART,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.

STEREOTYPED BY I.. JOHN'SOJT & CO.
PHILADELPHIA.

PEEFACE.

THESE brief biographies have been entitled
" Sketches of Naval Men" in preference to adopting
a more ambitious term, for the two following reasons :
In the first place, the narratives are confined princi
pally to public events ; while, in the second, it may
be questioned if any naval man of this country has,
as yet, become so far identified with history as to
render his personal qualities and private life of suffi
cient national interest to be properly laid before the
world. There may, possibly, be one or two ex
ceptions to this rule, but, as a whole, the country
has little to do with the careers of this class of its
servants beyond their public services. Whenever
it has been in our power, we have included in
these sketches, notwithstanding, such leading per
sonal facts and traits as may answer the purpose of

3
M737S36

4 PREFACE.

giving to our labours the general characters of
biographies.

These sketches originally appeared in Graham's
Magazine, a periodical for which they were ex
pressly written. The present opportunity for en
larging, correcting, and, it is hoped, for improving
them, has not been neglected. Many errors of the
press, and some mistakes in facts, have been at
tended to, while new matter is occasionally intro
duced, as authentic materials have been obtained,
through the attention that has been drawn to the
subject by means of the former publication. In
the cases of Paul Jones and Oliver Hazard Perry,
in particular, the first appearance of the respective
sketches brought into our hands a considerable
amount of additional documents that have thrown
new light on the several careers of those two offi
cers. In the case of Paul Jones, it is true that our
testimony is derived from relatives, and to a certain
point is to be received with caution ; all experience
proving that the opinions of near friends are not to
be accepted, in such cases, as guides for the world.
Proof is proof, nevertheless, when all its condition,
are fulfilled, let it come from what quarter it may.

The appearance of the original sketch on Perry
was the cause of very ample documents and proofs

PREFACE. 5

having been sent to us by a perfectly impartial
witness. These prpofs go to show that we had
fallen into some errors. The errors alluded to are
of no great moment, however, as they relate to
public events ; our account of the battle of Lake
Erie, being, in all essentials, fully sustained by the
evidence of this new witness.

These sketches will be continued, certainly so
far as to include all that may have been previously
published in Graham, and possibly still farther.

Every writer has his own scale of greatness and
his own degrees of eulogium. It has been our aim
to do justice%) the different subjects as they have
been presented to us, while we have endeavoured
to avoid the exaggeration that, in some measure,
may be said to have corrupted the public taste,
rendering it insatiate of the impossible rather than
of the true. The degree of knowledge that has
been brought to the execution of this task must be
judged of by the sketches themselves. But on one
point wre feel ourselves strong; and that is, the
certainty we have written equally without undue
prejudices or partialities. Mistakes we have doubt
less made ; they are inseparable from history in
every shape ; but the errors into which we may
have fallen are such as belong to the difficulty of

6 PREFACE.

,

obtaining unadulterated truth rather than to design
or negligence. We feel great confidence in saying,
that no publicly controverted point has been neg
lected by us, and that we feel the honest conviction
of having treated every one of them fairly, if not
intelligently.

CONTENTS.

Page
BAINBRIDGE 9

S O M E R S 73

SHAW 123

SHUBRICK 147

PREBLE . 171

NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

BAINBRIDGE.

DR. HARRIS, in his "Life and Services" of this dis
tinguished officer, says that "The ancestor of Commo
dore Bainbridge, who, in the year 1600, settled in the
province of New Jersey, was the son of Sir Arthur
Bainbridge, of Durham county, England." As no
portion of the old United States was settled as early as
1600, and the province of New Jersey, in particular,
was organized only about the middle of the seventeenth
century, the date, in this instance, is an oversight, or a
misprint ; though the account of the ancestor is probably
accurate. The family of the late Commodore Bain
bridge was of respectable standing, beyond a question,
both in the colony and state of New Jersey, and its con
nections were principally among persons o£ the higher
classes of society. His father was a physician of local
eminence, in the early part of his life, who removed to
New York about the commencement of the Revolution,
where he left a fair professional and personal reputation.

The fourth son of Dr. Bainbridge was William, the
subject of our memoir. He was born at Princeton,
New Jersey, then the residence of his father, May 7th,

9

1( NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

1774. His birth must have occurred but a short time
before the removal of the family to New York. The
maiden name of Mrs. Bainbridge, the mother of Wil
liam, was Taylor ; a lady of Monmouth county, in the
same colony ; and her father, a man of considerable
estate, undertook to superintend the education of the
child.

Young Bainbridge was of an athletic, manly frame,
and eafly showed a bold spirit, and a love of enterprise.
This temperament was likely to interfere with studies
directed toward a liberal education, and, at the early
age of fifteen, his importunities prevailed on his friends
to allow him to go to sea. This must have been about
the time when the present form of government went
first into operation, and the trade and navigation of the
country began to revive. In that day the republic had
no marine ; the old Alliance frigate, the favourite ship
of the Revolution, then sailing out of the port at which
young Bainbridge first embarked, as an Indiaman.

Philadelphia, for many years after the peace of 1783,
produced the best seamen of America. Other ports,
doubtless, had as hardy and as adventurous mariners,
but the nicety of the art was better taught and prac
tised in the Delaware-river vessels than in any other
portion of the country. This advantage was thought to
be owing to the length of the river and bay, which re
quired more elaborate evolutions to take a ship success
fully through, than ports that lay contiguous to the sea.
The same superiority has long been claimed for London,
and for the same reason, each place having a long and
intricate navigation, among shoals, and in a tide's way,
before its wharves can be reached. The comparative

BAINBRIDGE.

11

decline of the navigation of these two towns is to be at
tributed to the very difficulties which made expert sea
men, though the vast amount of supplies required by the
English capital, for its own consumption, causes great
bodies of shipping still to frequent the Thames. It is
also probable that the superiority formerly claimed for
the seamen of these two towns, was in part owing to the
circumstances that, being the capitals of their respective
countries, they were then in advance of other ports, both
as to the arts, generally, and as to the wealth necessary
to exhibit them.

Young Bainbridge, consequently, enjoyed the advan
tage of being trained, as a seaman, in what was then
the highest American school. Singularly handsome
and prepossessing in his appearance, of a vigorous, and
commanding frame, with the foundation of a good edu
cation, all aided by respectable connections, he was
made an officer in the third year of his service. When
eighteen, he sailed as chief mate of a ship in the Dutch
trade, and on his first voyage, in this capacity, he reco
vered the vessel from the hands of mutineers, by his
personal intrepidity and physical activity. In the fol
lowing year, when barely nineteen, the owners gave
him command of the same ship. From this time down
to the period of his joining the navy, Bainbridge con
tinued in command of different merchant vessels, all of
which were employed in the European trade, which was
then carried on, by this country, in the height and ex
citement of the war that succeeded the French revolu
tion.

Occasions were not wanting, by which Bainbridge
could prove his dauntless resolution, even in command

12 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

of a peaceful and slightly armed merchantman. In
1796, whilst in command of the Hope, of Philadelphia,
he was lying in the Garonne, and was hailed by another
American to come and aid in quelling a mutiny. This
he did in person ; though his life had nearly been the
sacrifice, owing to an explosion of gunpowder. The
same season, while shaping his course for one of the
West India islands, the Hope was attacked by a small
British privateer, of eight guns and thirty men, being
herself armed with four nines, and having a crew of only
eleven souls before the mast — an equipment then per
mitted, by the laws, for the purposes of defence only.
The privateer commenced the engagement without
showing any colors; but receiving a broadside from
the Hope, she hoisted English, in the expectation of
intimidating her antagonist. In this, however, the
assailant was mistaken ; Bainbridge, who had his colors
flying from the first, continued his fire until he actually
compelled the privateer to lower her flag. The latter
was much cut up, and lost several men. The Hope
escaped with but little injury. Although he had com
pelled his assailant to submit, it would not have been
legal for Bainbridge to take possession of the prize.
He even declined boarding her, most probably keeping
in view the feebleness of his own complement ; but,
hailing the privateer, he told her commander to go to
his employers and let them know they must send some
one else to capture the Hope if they had occasion for
that ship. It was probably owing to this little affair,
as well as to his general standing as a ship-master, that
Bainbridge subsequently entered the navy with the rank
he obtained.

BAINBRIDGE. 13

Not long after the action with the privateer, while
homeward bound again, a man was impressed from,
Bainbridge's ship, by an English cruiser. The board
ing officer commenced by taking the first mate, on
account of his name, Allen M'Kinsey, insisting that
the man must be a Scotchman ! This singular species
of logic was often applied on such occasions, even his
torians of a later day claiming such men as M'Donough
and Conner, on the supposition that they must be Irish,
from their family appellations. Mr. M'Kinsey, who
was a native Philadelphian, on a hint from Bainbridge,
armed himself, and refused to quit his own ship ; where
upon the English lieutenant seized a foremast hand and
bore him off, in spite of his protestations of being an
American, and the evidence of his commander. Bain-
bridge was indignant at this outrage — then, however,
of almost daily occurrence on the high seas — and,
finding his own remonstrances disregarded, he solemnly
assured the boarding officer that, if he fell in with an
English vessel, of a force that would allow of such a
retaliation, he would take a man out of her to supply
the place of the seaman who was then carried away.
This threat was treated with contempt, but it was put
in execution within a week ; Bainbridge actually seizing
a man on board an English merchant-man, and that,
too, of a force quite equal to his own, and carrying him
into an American port. The ship which impressed
the man belonging to the Hope, was the Indefatigable,
Sir Edward Pellew.

All these little affairs contributed to give Bainbridge
a merited reputation for spirit ; for, however illegal
may have been his course in impressing the English-
VOL i.

14 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

man, the sailor himself was quite content to receive
higher wages, and there was a natural justice in the
measure that looked down the policy of nations and
the provisions of law. Shortly after this incident, the
aggressions of France induced the establishment of
the present navy; and the government, after employing
all the old officers of the Revolution who remained,
and who were fit for service, was compelled to go into
the mercantile marine to find men to fill the subordinate
grades. The merchant service of America has ever
been relatively much superior to that of most other
countries. This has been owing, in part, to the greater
diffusion of education ; in part, to the character of the
institutions, which throws no discredit around any re
putable pursuit ; and, in part, to the circumstance that
the military marine has not been large enough to give
employment to all of the maritime enterprise and spirit
of the nation. Owing to these united causes, the go
vernment of 1798 had much less difficulty in finding
proper persons to put into its infant navy than might
have been anticipated ; although it must be allowed
that some of the selections, as usual, betrayed the in
fluence of undue recommendations, as well as of too
partial friendships.

The navy offering a field exactly suited to the ambi
tion and character of Bainbridge, he eagerly sought
service in it, on his return from a voyage to Europe ;
his arrival occurring a short time after the first appoint
ments had been made. The third vessel which got to
sea, under the new armament, was the Delaware 20,
Capt. Stephen Decatur, the father of the illustrious
officer of the same name ; and this vessel, a few days

BAIN BRIDGE. 15

out, had captured le Croyable 14, a French privateer
that she found cruising in the American waters. Le
Croyable was condemned, and purchased by the navy-
department ; being immediately equipped for a cruiser,
under the name of the Retaliation. To this vessel
Bainbridge was appointed, with the commission of
lieutenant-commandant ; a rank that was subsequently
and unwisely dropped ; for the greater the number of
gradations in • a military service, while they are kept
within the limits of practical necessity, the greater is
the incentive for exertion, the more frequent the pro
motions, and the higher the discipline. First lieu
tenants, lieutenants-commandant, exist, and must exist
in fact, in every marine ; and it is throwing away the
honourable inducement of promotion, as well as some
of the influence of a commission, not to have the rank
while we have the duties. It would be better for the
navy did the station of first lieutenant, or lieutenant-
commandant, now exist, those who hold the commis
sions furnishing officers to command the smallest class
of vessels, and the executive officers of ships of the
line and frigates.

The Retaliation sailed for the West India station, in
September, 1798. While cruising off Gaudaloupe, the
following November, the Montezuma sloop of war,
Capt. Murray, and the brig Norfolk, Capt. Williams, in
company, three sail were made in the eastern board,
that were supposed to be English; and two more
strangers appearing to the westward, Capt. Murray,
who was the senior officer, made sail for the latter,
taking the Norfolk with him ; while the Retaliation
was directed to examine the vessels to the eastward

16 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

This separated the consorts, which parted on nearly
opposite tacks. Unfortunately two of the vessels to
the eastward proved to be French frigates, le Volontier
36, Capt. St. Laurent, and 1'Insurgente 32, Capt. Bar-
reault. The first of these ships carried 44 guns,
French eighteens, and the latter 40, French twelves.
L'Insurgente was one of the fastest ships that floated,
and, getting the Retaliation under her guns, Bainbridge
was compelled to strike, as resistance would have been
madness.

The prisoner was taken on board 1'Volontier, the two
frigates immediately making sail in chase of the Monte-
zuma and Norfolk. L'Insurgente again outstripped
her consort, and was soon a long distance ahead of her.
Capt. St. Laurent was the senior officer, and, the
Montezuma being a ship of some size, he felt an un
easiness at permitting the Insurgente to engage two
adversaries, of whose force he was ignorant, unsup
ported. In this uncertainty, he determined to in
quire the force of the American vessels of his pri
soner. Bainbridge answered coolly that the ship was
a vessel of 28 long twelves, and the brig a vessel of
20 long nines. This was nearly, if not quite, doubling
the force of the two American cruisers, and it induced
the French commodore to show a signal of recall to his
consort. Capt. Barreault, an exceedingly spirited
officer, joined his commander in a very ill-humor, in
forming his superior that he was on the point of
capturing both the chases, when he was so inoppor
tunely recalled. This induced an explanation, when
the ruse practised by Bainbridge was exposed. In the
moment of disappointment, the French officers felt

BAINBRIDGE. 17

much irritated, but, appreciating the conduct of their
prisoner more justly, they soon recovered their good
humor, and manifested no further displeasure.

The Retaliation and her crew were carried into Bas
seterre. On board the Volontier was Gen. Desfourneaux,
who was sent out to supersede Victor Hughes in his
government. This functionary was very diplomatic, and
he entered into a negotiation with Bainbridge of a some
what equivocal character, leaving it a matter of doubt
whether an exchange of prisoners, an arrangement of
the main difficulties between the two countries, or a se
cret trade with his own island, and for his own particular
benefit, was his real object. Ill treatment of the crew
of the Retaliation followed ; whether by accident or de
sign is not known, though the latter has been suspected.
It will be remembered that no war had been declared
by either country, and that the captures by the Ameri
cans were purely retaliatory, and made in self-defence.
Gen. Desfourneaux profited by this circumstance to ac
complish his purposes, affecting not to consider the offi
cers and people of the Retaliation as prisoners at all.
To this Bainbridge answered that he regarded himself
and his late crew, not only as prisoners of war, but as
ill-treated prisoners, and that his powers now extended
no farther than to complete an exchange. After a pro
tracted negotiation, Bainbridge and his crew were placed
in possession of the Retaliation again, all the other
American prisoners in Guadaloupe were put on board
a cartel, and the two vessels were ordered for America.
Accompanying the Americans, went a French gentleman,
ostensibly charged with the exchange; but who was

18 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

believed to have been a secret diplomatic agent of the
French government.

The conduct of Bainbridge, throughout this rude
initiation into the public service, was approved by the
government, arid he was immediately promoted to the
rank of master-commandant, and given the Norfolk 18,
the brig he had saved from capture by his address. In
this vessel he joined the squadron under Com. Truxtun,
who was cruising in the vicinity of St. Kitts. While
on that station, the Norfolk fell in with and chased a
heavy three-masted schooner, of which she was on the
point of getting alongside, when both topmasts were lost
by carrying sail, and the enemy escaped. The brig
went into St. Kitts to repair damages, and here she col
lected a convoy of more than a hundred sail, bound
home. Bainbridge performed a neat and delicate evo
lution, while in charge of this large trust. The convoy
fell in with an enemy's frigate, when a signal was thrown
out for the vessels to disperse. The Norfolk occupied
the frigate, and induced her to chase, taking care to lead
her off from the merchantmen. That night the brig
gave her enemy the slip, and made sail on her course,
overtaking and collecting the whole fleet the following
day. It is said not a single vessel, out of one hundred
and nineteen sail, failed of the rendezvous !

It was August, 1799, before the Norfolk returned to
New York. Here Bainbridge found that no less than
five lieutenants had been made captains, passing the
grades of commanders and lieutenants-commandant
altogether. This irregularity could only have occurred
in an infant service, though it was of material importance
to a young officer in after life. Among the gentlemen

B A I N B R I D G E.

19

thus promoted, were Capts. Rodgers, and Barren, two
names that, for a long time, alone stood between Bain-
bridge and the head of the service. Still, it is by no
means certain that injustice was done, such circum
stances frequently occurring in so young a service, to
repair an original wrong. At all events, no slight was
intended to Bainbridge, or any other officer who was
passed; though the former ever maintained that he
had not his proper rank in the navy.

After refitting the Norfolk, Bainbridge returned to the
West Indies, where he was put under the orders of
Capt. Christopher R. Perry, the father of the celebrated
Commodore Oliver H. Perry, who sent him to cruise
off' Cape Francois. The brig changed her cruising
ground, under different orders, no opportunity occurring
for meeting an enemy of equal force. Indeed, it was
highly creditable to the maritime enterprise of the
French that they appeared at all in those seas, which
were swarming with English and American cruisers ;
this country alone seldom employing fewer than thirty
sail in the West Indies, that year ; toward the close of
the season indeed, it had near, if not quite forty, including
those who were passing between the islands and the
home coast.

On the 31st October, however, the Norfolk succeeded
in decoying an armed barge within reach of her guns.
The enemy discovered the brig's character in time to
escape to the shore, notwithstanding : though he was
pursued and the barge was captured. Six dead and
dying were found in, or near the boat.

In November, Bainbridge took a small lugger priva
teer, called le Republicain, with a prize in company.

20 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

The former was destroyed at sea, and the latter sent in.
The prize of the lugger was a sloop. She presented a
horrible spectacle when taken possession of by the
Americans. Her decks were strewed with mangled
bodies, the husbands and parents of eleven women and
children, who were found weeping over them at the
moment of recapture. The murders had been committed
by some brigands in a barge, who slew every man in
the sloop, and were proceeding to further outrages when
the lugger closed and drove them from their prey. An
hour or two later, Bainbridge captured both the vessels.
His treatment of the unfortunate females and children
was such as ever marked his generous and manly cha
racter.

Shortly after, Capt. Bainbridge received an order, di
rect from the Navy Department, to go off the neutral
port of the Havana, to look after the trade in that quar
ter. Here he was joined by the Warren 18, Capt.
Newman, and the Pinckney 18, Capt. Heyward. Bain
bridge was the senior officer, and continued to command
this force to the great advantage of American commerce,
by blockading the enemy's privateers, and giving con
voy, until March, 1800, when, his cruise being up, he
returned home, anchoring off Philadelphia early in the
month of April. His services, especially those before
Havana, were fully appreciated, and May 2d, of the
same year, he was raised to the rank of captain. Bain
bridge had served with credit, and had now reached the
highest grade which existed in the navy, when he
wanted just five days of being twenty-six years old.
He had carried with him into the marine the ideas of a
high-class Philadelphia seaman, as to discipline, and

BAINBRIDGE. 21

these were doubtless the best which then existed in the
country. In every situation he had conducted himself
well, and the promise of his early career as a master of
a merchantman was likely to be redeemed, whenever
occasion should offer, under the pennant of the republic.
Among the vessels purchased into the service during
the war of 1798, was an Indiaman called the George
Washington. This ship was an example of the irregu
larity in rating which prevailed at that day ; being set
down in all the lists and registers of the period as a 24,
when her tonnage was 624 ; while the Adams, John
Adams, and Boston, all near one sixth smaller, are rated
as 32s. The George Washington was, in effect, a large
28, carrying the complement and armament of a vessel
of that class. To this ship Bainbridge was now ap
pointed, receiving his orders the month he was pro
moted ; or, in May, 1800. The destination of the
vessel was to carry tribute to the Dey of Algiers ! This
was a galling service to a man of her commander's
temperament, as, indeed, it would have proved to nearly
every other officer in the navy; but it put the ship
quite as much in the way of meeting with an enemy
as if she had been employed in the West Indies ; and
i^vvas sending the pennant into the Mediterranean for
the first time since the formation of the new navy.
Thus the United States 44, first carried the pennant of
the new marine to Europe, in 1799 ; the Essex 32, first
carried it round the Cape of Good Hope, in 1800, and
around Cape Horn, in 1813 ; and this ship, the George
Washington 28, first carried it into the classical seas of
the old world.

Bainbridge did not get the tribute collected and reach

22 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

his port of destination, before the month of September.
Being entirely without suspicion, and imagining that
he came on an errand which should entitle him, at
least, to kind treatment, he carried the ship into the
mole, for the purpose of discharging with convenience.
This duty, however, was hardly performed, when the
Dey proposed a service for the George Washington,
that was as novel in itself as it was astounding to her
commander.

It seems that this barbarian prince had got himself
into discredit at the Sublime Porte, and he felt the ne
cessity of purchasing favour, and of making his peace,
by means of tribute of his part. The Grand Seignor
was at war with France, and the Dey, his tributary and
dependent, had been guilty of the singular indiscretion
of making a separate treaty of peace with that powerful
republic, for some private object of his own. This was
an offence to be expiated only by a timely offering of
certain slaves, various wild beasts, and a round sum in
gold. The presents to be sent were valued at more
than half a million of our money, and the passengers to
be conveyed amounted to between two and three hun
dred. As the Dey happened to have no vessel fit for
such a service, and the George Washington lay very
conveniently within his mole, and had just been en
gaged in this very duty, he came to the natural conclu
sion she would answer his purpose.

The application was first made in the form of a civil
request, through the consul. Bainbridge procured an
audience, and respectfully, but distinctly, stated that a
compliance would be such a departure from his orders
as to put it out of the question. Hereupon the Dey re-

BAINBRIDGE. 23

minded the American that the ship was in his power,
and that what he now asked he might take without
asking, if it suited his royal pleasure. A protracted
and spirited discussion, in which the consul joined, now
followed, but all without effect. The Dey offered the
alternatives of compliance, or slavery and capture, for
the frigate and her crew, with war on the American
trade. One of his arguments is worthy of being re
corded, as it fully exposes the feeble policy of submis
sion to any national wrong. He told the two American
functionaries, that their country paid him tribute, al
ready, which was an admission of their inferiority, as
well as of their duty to obey him ; and he chose to
order this particular piece of service, in addition to the
presents which he had just received.

Bainbridge finally consented to do as desired. He
appears to have been influenced in this decision, by the
reasoning of Mr. O'Brien, the consul, who had himself
been a slave in Algiers, not long before, and probably
retained a lively impression of the power of the barba
rian, on his own shores. It is not to be concealed, how
ever, that temporizing in all such matters had been the
policy of America, and it would have required men of
extraordinary moral courage to have opposed the wishes
of the Dey, by a stern assertion of those principles,
which alone can render a nation great. " To ask for
nothing but what is right, and to submit to nothing that
is wrong," is an axiom more easily maintained on paper
than in practice, where the chameleon-like policy of
trade interferes to colour principles ; and O'Brien, a
merchant in effect, and Bainbridge, Avho had so lately
been in that pursuit himself, were not likely to over-

24 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY

look the besetting weakness of the nation. Still, it may
be questioned if there was a man in the navy who felt
a stronger desire to vindicate the true maxims of na
tional independence than the subject of this memoir.
He appears to have yielded solely to the arguments of
the consul, and to his apprehensions for a trade that
certainly had no other protection in that distant sea,
than his own ship ; and she would be the first sacrifice
of the Dey's resentment. It ought to be mentioned,
too, that a base and selfish policy prevailed, in that day,
on the subject of the Barbary Powers, among the prin
cipal maritime states of Europe. England, in particular,
was supposed to wink at their irregularities, in the hope
that it might have a tendency to throw a monopoly of
the foreign navigation of the Mediterranean into the
hands of those countries which, by means of their great
navies, and their proximity to the African coast, were
always ready to correct any serious evil that might
affect themselves. English policy had been detected
in the hostilities of the Dey, a few years earlier, and it
is by no means improbable that Mr. O'Brien foresaw
consequences of this nature, that did not lie absolutely
on the surface.

Yielding to the various considerations which were
urged, Bainbridge finally consented to comply with the
Dey's demand. The presents and passengers were
received on board, and on the 19th of October, or about
a month after her arrival at Algiers, the George Wash
ington was ready to' sail for Constantinople. When on
the very eve of departing a new difficulty arose, and one
of a nature to show that the Dey was not entirely go
verned by rapacity, but that he had rude notions of na-

BAIN BRIDGE. 25

tional honour, agreeably to opinions of the school in
which he had been trained. As the George Washing
ton carried his messenger, or ambassador, and was now
employed in his service, he insisted that she should
carry the Algerine flag at the main, while that of the
republic to which the ship belonged, should fly at the
fore. An altercation occurred on this point of pure
etiquette, the Dey insisting that English, French, and
Spanish commanders, whenever they had performed a
similar service for him, had not hesitated to give this
precedency to his ensign. This was probably true, as
well as the fact that vessels of war of those nations had
consented to serve him in this manner, in compliance
with the selfish policy of their respective governments ;
though it may be doubted whether English or French
ships had been impressed into such a duty. Dr. Har
ris, whose biography of Bainbridge is much the most
full of any written, and to which we are indebted for
many of our own details, has cited an instance as re
cently as 1817, when an English vessel of war con
veyed presents to Constantinople for the Dey ; though
it was improbable that any other inducement for the
measure existed, than a desire in the English authorities
to maintain their influence in the regency. Bainbridge,
without entering into pledges on the subject, and solely
with a view to get his ship beyond the reach of the
formidable batteries of the mole, hoisted the Algerine
ensign, as desired, striking it as soon as he found him
self again the commander of his own vessel.

The George Washington had a boisterous and weary
passage to the mouth of the Dardanelles, the ship being
littered with Turks, and the cages of wild beasts. This

VOL. I. 3

26 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

voyage was always a source of great uneasiness and
mortification to Bainbridge, but he occasionally amused
his friends with the relation of anecdotes that occurred
during its continuance. Among other things he men
tioned that his passengers were greatly puzzled to keep
their faces toward Mecca, in their frequent prayers ; the
ship often tacking during the time thus occupied, more
especially after they got into the narrow seas. A man
was finally stationed at the compass to give the faithful
notice when it was necessary to " go about," in conse
quence of the evolutions of the frigate.

Bainbridge had great apprehensions of being detained
at the Dardanelles, for want of a firman, the United
States having no diplomatic agent at the Porte, and
commercial jealousies being known to exist, on the sub
ject of introducing the American flag into those waters.
A sinister influence up at Constantinople might detain
him for weeks, or even prevent his passage altogether;
and having come so far, on his unpleasant errand, he
was resolved to gather as many of its benefits as possi
ble. In the dilemma, therefore, he decided on a ruse
of great boldness, and one which proved that personal
considerations had little influence, when he thought the
interests of his country demanded their sacrifice.

The George Washington approached the castles with
a strong southerly wind, and she clewed up her light
sails, as if about to anchor, just as she began to salute.
The works returned gun for gun, and in the smoke sail
was again made, and the ship glided out of the range
of shot before the deception was discovered ; passing on
toward the sea of Marmora under a cloud of canvas.
As vessels were stopped at only one point, and the pro-

BAIN BRIDGE. 27

gress of the ship was too rapid to admit of detention,
she anchored unmolested under the walls of Constanti
nople, on the 9th November, 1800 ; showing the flag
of the republic, for the first time, before that ancient
town.

Bainbridge was probably right in his anticipation of
difficulty in procuring a firman to pass the castles, for
when his vessel reported her nation, an answer was
sent off that the government of Turkey knew of no such
country. An explanation that the ship came from the
new world, that which Columbus had discovered, luckily
proved satisfactory, when a bunch of flowers and a lamb
were sent on board ; the latter as a token of amity, and
the former as a welcome.

The George Washington remained several weeks at
Constantinople, where Bainbridge and his officers were
well received, though the agents of the Dey fared
worse. The Capudan Pacha, in particular, formed a
warm friendship for the commander of the George
Washington, whose fine personal appearance, frank
address, and manly bearing were well calculated to
obtain favor. This functionary was married to a sister
of the Sultan, and had more influence at court than any
other subject. He took Bainbridge especially under
his own protection, and when they parted, he gave the
frigate a passport, which showed that she and her com
mander enjoyed this particular and high privilege. In
fact, the intercourse between this officer and the com
mander of the George Washington was such as to
approach nearly to paving the way for a treaty, a step
that Bainbridge warmly urged on the government at
home, as both possible and desirable. It has been con-

•

28 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

jectured even, that Capt. Bainbridge was instructed on
this subject ; and that, in consenting to go to Constanti
nople at all, he had the probabilities of opening some
such negotiation in view. This was not his own
account of the matter, although, in weighing the motives
for complying with the Dey's demands, it is not impos
sible he permitted such a consideration to have some
weight.

The visit of Clarke, the well known traveler, occurred
while the George Washington was at Constantinople.
The former accompanied Bainbridge to the Black Sea,
in the frigate's long-boat, where the American ensign
was displayed also, for the first time. Jt appears that
our officer was one of the party in the celebrated visit
of the traveler to the seraglio, Bainbridge confirming
Dr. Clarke's account of the affair, with the exception
that he, himself, looked upon the danger as very trifling.

During the friendly intercourse which existed be
tween Capt. Bainbridge and the Capudan Pacha, the
latter incidentally mentioned that the governor of the
castles was condemned to die for suffering the George
Washington to pass without a firman, and that the
warrant of execution only waited for his signature, in
order to be enforced. Shocked at discovering the terri
ble strait to which he had unintentionally reduced a
perfectly innocent man, Bainbridge frankly admitted
his own act, and said if any one had erred it was him
self: begging the life of the governor, and offering to
meet the consequences in his own person. This
generous course was not thrown away on the Capudan
Pacha, who appears to have been a liberal and enlight
ened man. He heard the explanation with interest,

B A I N B R I D G E. 29

extolled Bainbridge's frankness, promised him his entire
protection, and pardoned the governor ; sending to the
latter a minute statement of the whole affair. It was
after this conversation that the high functionary in
question delivered to Bainbridge his own especial letter
of protection.

At length the Algerine ambassador was ready to
return. On the 30th of December, 1800, the ship
sailed for Algiers. The messenger of the Dey took
back with him a menace of punishment, unless his
master declared war against France, and sent more
tribute to the Porte ; granting to the Algerine govern
ment but sixty days to let its course be known. On
repassing the Dardanelles, Bainbridge was compelled
to anchor. Here he received presents of fruit and pro
visions, with hospitalities on shore, as an evidence of
the governor's gratitude for his generous conduct in
exposing his own life, in order to save that of an inno
cent man. It is shown by a passage in Dr. Clarke's
work, that Bainbridge was honorably received in the
best circles in Pera, during his stay at Constantinople,
while the neatness and order of his ship were the
subject of general conversation. An entertainment that
was given on board the frigate was much talked of also ;
the guests and all the viands coming from the four
quarters of the earth. Thus there was water, bread,
meats, etc., etc., each from Europe, Asia, Africa and
America, as well as persons to consume them : certainly
a thing of rare occurrence at any one feast.

-The George Washington arrived at Algiers on the
20th January, 1801, and anchored off the town, beyond
the reach of shot. The Dey expressed his apprehen-
3*

30 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

sions that the position of the ship would prove incon
venient to her officers, and desired that she might be
brought within the mole, or to the place where she had
lain during her first visit. This offer was respectfully
declined. A day or two later the object of this hospi
tality became apparent. Bainbridge was asked to
return to Constantinople with the Algerine ambassador;
a request with which he positively refused to comply.
This was the commencement of a new series of cajole
ries, arguments, and menaces. But, having his ship
where nothing but the barbarian's corsairs could assail
her, Bainbridge continued firm. He begged the consul
to send him off some old iron for ballast, in order that he
might return certain guns he had borrowed for that
purpose, previously to sailing for Constantinople, the
whole having been rendered necessary in consequence
of his ship's having been lightened of the tribute sent
in her from America. The Dey commanded the light
ermen not to take employment, and, at the same time,
he threatened war if his guns were not returned: After
a good deal of discussion, Bainbridge exacted a pledge
that no further service would be asked of the ship ; then
he agreed to run into the mole and deliver the cannon,
as the only mode that remained of returning property
which had been lent to him.

As soon as the frigate was secured in her new birth,
Capt. Bainbridge and the consul were admitted to an
audience with the Dey. The reception was any thing
but friendly, and the despot, a man of furious passions,
soon broke out into expressions of anger, that bade fair
to lead to personal violence. The attendants were ready,
and it was known that a nod or a word might, at a mo-

BAINBRIDGE. 31

merit's notice, cost the Americans their lives. At this
fearful instant, Bainbridge, who was determined at
every hazard to resist the Dey's new demand, fortu
nately bethought him of the Capudan Pacha's letter of
protection, which he carried about him. The letter
was produced, and its effect was magical. Bainbridge
often spoke of it as even ludicrous, and of^)eing so
sudden and marked as to produce glances of surprise
among the common soldiers. From a furious tyrant, the
sovereign of Algiers was immediately converted into an
obedient vassal; his tongue all honey, his face all
smiles. He was aware that a disregard of the recom
mendation of the Capudan Pacha would be punished,
as he would visit a similar disregard of one of his own
orders ; and that there was no choice between respect
and despotism. No more was said about the return of
the frigate to Constantinople, and every offer of service
and every profession of amity were heaped upon the
subject of our memoir, who owed his timely deliverance
altogether to the friendship of the Turkish dignitary ;
a friendship obtained through his own frank and gene
rous deportment.

The reader will readily understand that dread of
the Grand Seignior's power had produced this sudden
change in the deportment of the Dey. The same
feeling induced him to order the flag-staff of the French
consulate to be cut down the next day ; a declaration of
war against the country to which the functionary
belonged. Exasperated at these humiliations, which
were embitfered by heavy pecuniary exactions on the
part of the Porte, the Dey turned upon the few unfor
tunate French who happened to be in his power.

32 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

These, fifty-six in number, consisting of men, women,
and children, he ordered to be seized and to be deemed
slaves. Capt. Bainbridge felt himself sufficiently
strong, by means of the Capudan Pacha's letter, to
mediate ; and he actually succeeded, after a long dis
cussion, in obtaining a decree by which all the French
who cou^ get out of the regency, within the next eight-
and-forty hours, might depart. For those who could
not, remained the doom of slavery, or of ransom at a
thousand dollars a head. It was thought that this con
cession was made under the impression that no means
of quitting Algiers could be found by the unfortunate
French. No one believed that the George Washington
would be devoted to their service, France and America
being thefl at war; a circumstance which probably
increased Bainbridge's influence at Constantinople, as
well as at Algiers.

But our officer was not disposed to do things by
halves. Finding that no other means remained for
extricating the unfortunate French, he determined to
carry them off in the George Washington. The ship
had not yet discharged the guns of the Dey, but every
body working with good will, this property was deli
vered to its right owner, sand ballast was obtained from
the country and hoisted in, other necessary preparations
were made, and the ship hauled out of the mole and
got to sea just in time to escape the barbarian's fangs,
with .every Frenchman in Algiers on board. It is said
that in another hour the time of grace would' have
expired. The ship landed her passengers at Alicant, a
neutral country, and then made the best of her way to
America, where she arrived in due season.

BAINBRIDGE. 33

This act of Bairibridge's was quite in conformity with
the generous tendencies of his -nature. He was a man
of quick and impetuous feelings, and easily roused to
anger ; but left to the voluntary guidance of his own
heart, no one was more ready to serve his fellow-crea
tures. It seemed to make little difference with him,
whether he assisted an Englishman or a Frenchman ;
his national antipathies, though decided and strong,
never interfering with his humanity. Napoleon had
just before attained the First Consulate, and he offered
the American officer his personal thanks for this piece
of humane and disinterested service to his countrymen.
At a later day, when misfortune came upon Bainbridge,
he is said to have remembered this act, and to have
interested himself in favour of the captive. -^

On reaching home, Bainbridge had the gratification
of finding his conduct, in every particular, approved by
the government. It was so much a matter of course, in
that day, for the nations of Christendom to submit to
exactions from those of Barbary, that little was thought
of the voyage to Constantinople, and less said about it.
A general feeling must have prevailed that censure, if
it fell any where, ought to light on the short-sighted
policy of trade, and the misguided opinions of the age.
It is more probable, however, that the whole transaction
was looked upon as a legitimate consequence of the
system of tribute, which then so extensively prevailed.

Bainbridge must have enjoyed another and still more
unequivocal evidence that the misfortunes which cer
tainly accompanied his short naval career, had left no
injurious impressions on the government, as touching
his own conduct. The reduction law, which created a

34 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

species of naval peace establishment, was passed during
his late absence, and, on his arrival, he found its details
nearly completed in practice. Previously to this law's
going into effect, there were twenty-eight captains in
the navy, of which number he stood himself as low as
the twenty-seventh in rank. There was, indeed, but
one other officer of that grade below him, and under
such circumstances, the chances of being retained would
have been very small, for any man who had not the
complete confidence of his superiors. He was retained,
however, and that, too, in a manner in defiance of the
law, for, by its provisions, only nine captains were to
be continued in the service in a time of peace ; whereas,
his was the eleventh name on the new list, until Dale
and Truxtun resigned ; events which did not occur until
the succeeding year. The cautious and reluctant man
ner in which these reductions were made by Mr. Jeffer
son, under a law that had passed during the adminis
tration of his predecessor, is another proof that the
former statesman did not deserve all the reproaches of
hostility to this branch of the public service that were
heaped upon him.*

Not satisfied with retaining Capt. Bainbridge in the
service, after the late occurrences at Algiers, the Depart-

* There appears to have been some uncertainty about officers
remaining in service, after the peace of 1801, that contributed to
rendering the reduction irregular. The resignations of Dale and
Truxtun, and the death of Barry, brought the list down to nine ;
the number prescribed by law. As the Tripolitan war occurred so
soon, a question might arise how far the peace establishment law
was binding at all. Certainly, in its spirit, it was meant only for
a time of peace. On the other hand, Mr. Jefferson, by his public
acts, did not seem to think the nation legally at war with Tripoli,
even after battles were fought and vessels captured.

BAINBH1DGE. 35

merit also gave him immediate employment. For the
first time this gallant officer was given a good service
able ship, that had been regularly constructed for a
man-of-war. He was attached to the Essex 32, a fine
twelve-pounder frigate, that had just returned from a
first cruise to the East Indies, under Preble : an officer
who subsequently became so justly celebrated. The
orders to this vessel were issued in May, 1801, and the
ship wras directed to form part of a squadron then about
to sail for the Mediterranean.

Capt. Bainbridge joined the Essex at New York.
He had Stephen Decatur for his first lieutenant, and
was otherwise wrell officered and manned. The squad
ron, consisting of the President 44, Philadelphia 38,
Essex 3'2, and Enterprise 12, sailed in company : the
President being commanded by Capt. James Barron, the
Philadelphia by Capt. Samuel Barron, and the Enter
prise by Lieut. Com. Sterrett. The broad pennant of
Com. Dale was flying in the President. This force
went abroad under very limited instructions. Although
the Bashaw of Tripoli was seizing American vessels, and
was carrying on an effective war, Mr. Jefferson appeared
to think legal enactments at home necessary to author
ize the marine to retaliate. As respected ourselves,
statutes may have been wanting to prescribe the forms
under which comdemnations could be had, and the
other national rights carried out in full practice ; but, as
respected the enemy, there can be no question his own
acts authorized the cruisers of this country to capture
their assailants wherever they could be found, even
though they rotted in our harbors for the want of a
prescribed manner of bringing them under the hammer.

36 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

The mode of condemnation is dependent on municipal
regulations alone, but the right to capture is solely de
pendent on public law. It was in this singular state
of things that the Enterprise, after a bloody action, took
a Tripolitan, and was then obliged to let her go !

The American squadron reached Gibraltar the 1st day
of July, where it found and blockaded two of the largest
Tripolitan cruisers, under the orders of a Scotch rene
gade, who bore the rank of an admiral. The Phila
delphia watched these vessels, while the Essex was
sent along the north shore to give convoy. The great
object, in that day, appears to have been to carry the
trade safely through the Straits, and to prevent the
enemy's rovers from getting out into the Atlantic ; mea
sures that the peculiar formation of the coasts rendered
highly important. It was while employed on this duty,
that Capt. Bainbridge had an unpleasant collision with
some of the Spanish authorities at Barcelona, in conse
quence of repeated insults offered to his ship's officers
and boats ; his own barge having been fired into twice,
while he was in it in person. In this affair he showed
his usual decision and spirit, and the matter was pushed
so far and so vigorously as to induce an order from the
Prince of Peace, "to treat all officers of the United
States with courtesy and respect, and more particularly
those attached to the United States frigate Essex." The
high and native courtesy of the Spanish character ren
ders it probable that some misunderstandings increased
and complicated these difficulties, though there is little
doubt that jealousy of the superior order and beauty of
the Essex, among certain subordinates of the Spanish
marine, produced the original aggression. In the dis-

BAINBRIDGE. 37

cussions and collisions that followed, the sudden and
somewhat brusque spirit of the American usages was
not likely to be cordially met by the precise and almost
oriental school of manners that regulates the intercourse
of Spanish society. Bainbridge, however, is admitted
to have conducted his part of the dispute with dignity
and propriety ; though he was not wanting in the
promptitude and directness of a man-of-war's man.

On the arrival of the Essex below, with a convoy, it
was found that the enemy had laid up his ships, and
had sent the crews across to Africa in the night ; the
admiral making the best of his way home in a neutral.
Com. Morris had relieved Com. Dale, and the Essex,
wanting material repairs, was sent home in the summer
of 1802, after an absence of rather more than a year.
During her short cruise, the Essex had been deemed a
model ship, as to efficiency and discipline, and extorted
admiration wherever she appeared. On her arrival at
New York, the frigate was unexpectedly ordered to
Washington to be laid up, a measure that excited great
discontent in her crew. One of those quasi mutinies
which, under similar circumstances, were not uncom
mon in that day, followed ; the men insisting that their
times were up, and that they ought to be paid off in a
seaport, and " not on a tobacco plantation, up in Vir
ginia;" but Bainbridge and Decatur were men un
willing to be controlled in this way. The disaffection
was put down, and the ship obeyed her orders.

Bainbridge was now employed in superintending the
construction of the Siren and Vixen ; two of the small
vessels that had been recently ordered by law. As
soon as these vessels were launched, he was again

VOL. i, 4

38 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

directed to prepare for service in the Mediterranean, for
which station the celebrated squadron of Preble was
now fitting. This force consisted of the Constitution
44, Philadelphia 38, Siren 16, Argus 16, Nautilus 14,
Vixen 14, and Enterprise 12; the latter vessel being
then on the station, under Lieut. Com. Hull. Of these
ships, Bainbridge had the Philadelphia, 38, a fine
eighteen-pounder frigate that was often, by mistake,
called a forty-four, though by no means as large a ves
sel as some others of her proper class. It was much
the practice of that day to attach officers to the ships
which were fitting near their places of residence, and
thus it followed that a vessel frequently had a sort of
local character. Such, in a degree, was the case with
the Philadelphia, most of whose sea-officers were Dela
ware sailors, in one sense ; though all the juniors had
now been regularly bred in the navy. As these gen
tlemen are entitled to have their sufferings recorded, we
give their names, with the states of which they were
natives, viz. :

Captain. — William Bainbridge, of New Jersey.

Lieutenants. — John T. R. Cox, Jacob Jones, Dela
ware ; Theodore Hunt, New Jersey ; Benjamin Smith,
Rhode Island.

Lieutenant of Marines. — Wm. S. Osborne.

Surgeon. — John Ridge ly, Maryland.

Purser. — Rich. Spence, New Hampshire.

Sailing-Master. — Wm. Knight, Pennsylvania.

Surgeon's Mates. — Jonathan Cowdery, New York ;
Nicholas Harwood, Va.

Midshipmen. — Bernard Henry, Pa. ; James Gibbon,
Va.; James Biddle, Pa.; Richard B. Jones, Pa.; D. T.

BAINBRIDGE. 39

Patterson, N. Y. ; Wm. Cutbush, Pa. ; B. F. Reed, Pa. ;
Thomas M'Donough, Del.; Wallace Wormley, .Va. ;
Robert Gamble, Va. ; Simon Smith, Pa. ; James Ren-
shaw, Pa.

The Philadelphia had a crew a little exceeding three
hundred souls on board, including her officers. One or
two changes occurred among the latter, however, when
the ship reached Gibraltar, which will be mentioned in
their proper places.

The vessels of Com. Preble did not sail in squadron,
but left home as each ship got ready. Bainbridge,
being equipped, was ordered to sail in July, and he en
tered the Straits on the 24th of August, after a passage
down the Delaware and across the Atlantic of some
length. Understanding at Gibraltar that certain cruisers
of the enemy were in the neighborhood of Cape de
Gatte, he proceeded off that well-known headland the
very next day ; and, in the night of the 26th, it blowing
fresh, he fell in with a ship under nothing but a fore
sail, with a brig in company, also under very short
canvas. These suspicious circumstances induced him
to run alongside of the ship, and to demand her charac
ter. After a good deal of hailing, and some evasion on
the part of the stranger, it was ascertained that he was
a cruiser from Morocco, called the Meshboha 22, com
manded by Ibrahim Lubarez, and having a crew of one
hundred and twenty men. The Philadelphia had con
cealed her own nation, and a boat coming from the
Meshboha, the fact was extracted from its crew that the-
brig in company was an American, bound into Spain,
and that they had boarded but had not detained her.
Bainbridge's suspicions were aroused by all the circum-

40 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

stances ; particularly by the little sail the brig carried ;
so unlike an American, who is ever in a hurry. He
accordingly directed Mr. Cox, his first lieutenant, to
board the Meshboha, and to ascertain if any Americans
were in her, as prisoners. In attempting to execute
this order, Mr. Cox was resisted, and it was necessary
to send an armed boat. The master and crew of the
brig, the Celia of Boston, were actually found in the
Meshboha, which ship had captured them, nine days
before, in the vicinity of Malaga, the port to which they
were bound.

Bainbridge took possession of the Moorish ship.
The next day he recovered the brig, which was stand
ing in for the bay of Almeria, to the westward of Cape
de Gatte. On inquiry he discovered that Ibrahim
Lubarez was cruising for Americans under an order
issued by the governor of Mogadore. Although Mo
rocco was ostensibly at peace with the United States,
Bainbridge did not hesitate, now, about taking his prize
to Gibraltar. Here he left the Meshboha in charge
of Mr. M'Donough, under the superintendence of the
consul, and then went off Cape St. Vincent in pursuit
of a Moorish frigate, which was understood to be in
that neighborhood. Failing in his search, he returned
within the Straits, and went aloft, in obedience to his
original orders. At Gibraltar, the Philadelphia met
the homeward bound vessels, under Com. Rodgers,
which were waiting the arrival of Preble, in the Con
stitution. As this force was sufficient to watch the
Moors, it left the Philadelphia the greater liberty to
proceed on her cruise. While together, however, Lieut.
Porter, the first of the New York 36, exchanged with

BAINBRIDGE. 41

Lieut. Cox, the latter gentleman wishing to return home,
where he soon after resigned ; while the former pre
ferred active service.

The Philadelphia found nothing but the Vixen be
fore Tripoli. A Neapolitan had given information that
a corsair had just sailed on a cruise, and this induced
Capt. Bainbridge to despatch Lieut. Com. Smith in
chase. In consequence of this unfortunate but perfectly
justifiable decision, the frigate was left alone off the
town. A vigorous blockade having been determined
on, the ship maintained her station as close in as her
draught of water would allow until near the close of
October, when, it coming on to blow fresh from the
westward, she was driven some distance to leeward, as
often occurred to vessels on that station. As soon as it
moderated, sail was made to recover the lost ground,
and, by the morning of the 31st, the wind had become
fair, from the eastward. At 8, A. M., a sail was made
ahead, standing like themselves to the westward. This
vessel proved to be a small cruiser of the Bashaw's,
and was probably the very vessel of which the Vixen
had gone in pursuit. The Philadelphia now crowded
every thing that would draw, and was soon so near the
chase as to induce the latter to hug the land. There is
an extensive reef to the eastward of Tripoli, called
Kaliusa, that was not laid down in the charts of the
ship, and which runs nearly parallel to the coast for
some miles. There is abundance of water inside of it,
as was doubtless known to those on board the chase, and
there is a wide opening through it, by which six and
seven fathoms can be carried out to sea ; but all these
facts were then profound mysteries to the officers of the
4*

42 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

Philadelphia. Agreeably to the chart of Capt. Smyth,
of the British navy, the latest and best in existence, the
eastern division of this reef lies about a mile and a half
from the coast, and its western about a mile. Accord
ing to the same chart, one of authority, and made from
accurate surveys, the latter portion of the reef is distant
from the town of Tripoli about two and a half miles,
and the former something like a mile and a half more.
There is an interval of quite half a mile in length be
tween these two main divisions of the reef, through
which it is possible to carry six and seven fathoms, pro
vided three or four detached fragments of reef, of no
great extent, be avoided. The channels among these
rocks afforded great facilities to the Turks in getting in
and out of their port during the blockade, since a vessel
of moderate draught, that knew the land-marks, might
run through them with great confidence by daylight. It
is probable the chase, in this instance, led in among
these reefs as much to induce the frigate to follow as to
cover her own escape, either of which motives showed
a knowledge of the coast, and a familiarity with his
duties in her commander.

In coming down from the eastward, and bringing with
her a plenty of water, the Philadelphia must have passed
two or three hundred yards to the southward of the
northeastern extremity of the most easterly of the two
great divisions of the reef in question. This position
agrees with the soundings found at the time, and with
those laid down in the chart. She had the chase some
distance inshore of her ; so much so, indeed, as to have
been firing into her from the two forward divisions of
the larboard guns, in the hope of cutting something

BAINBRJDGE, 43

away. Coming from the eastward, the ship brought
into this pass, between the reef and the shore, from
fourteen to ten fathoms of water, which gradually
shoaled to eight, when Capt. Bainbridge, seeing no
prospect of overhauling the chase, then beginning to
open the harbour of Tripoli, from which the frigate her
self was distant but some three or four miles, ordered
the helm a-port, and the yards braced forward, in the
natural expectation of hauling directly off the land into
deep water. The leads were going at the time, and, to
the surprise of all on board, the water shoaled, as the
frigate run off, instead of deepening. The yards were
immediately ordered to be braced sharp up, and the ship
brought close on a wind, in the hope of beating out of
this seeming cul de sac, by the way in which she had
entered. The command was hardly given, however,
before the ship struck forward, and, having eight knots
way on her, she shot up on the rocks until she had only
fourteen and a half feet of water under her fore-chains.
Under the bowsprit there were but twelve. Aft she
floated, having, it is said, come directly out of six or
seven fathoms of water into twelve and fifteen feet ; all
of which strictly corresponds with the soundings of the
modern charts.*

* There already exists some disagreement as to the question on
which of the two principal portions of this reef, the eastern or the
western, the Philadelphia ran. Captain Bainbridge, in his official
letter, says that the harbour of Tripoli was distant three or four
miles, when his ship struck. But the harbour of Tripoli extends
more than a mile to the eastward of the town. Fort English lies
properly near the mouth of the harbour, and it is considerably
more than a mile east of the castle ; which, itself, stands at the
southeastern angle of the town. Commodore Porter, in his testi-

44 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

There was much of the hard fortune which attended
a good deal of Bainbridge's professional career, in the
circumstances of this accident. Had the prospects of
the chase induced him to continue it, the frigate might
have passed ahead, and the chances were that she
would have hauled off, directly before the mouth of the
harbour of Tripoli, and gone clear; carrying through
nowhere less than five fathoms of water. Had she
stood directly on, after first hauling up, she might have
passed through the opening between the two portions
of the reef, carrying with her six, seven, nine and ten
fathoms, out to sea. But, in pursuing the very course
which prudence and a sound discretion dictated to one
who was ignorant of the existence of this reef, he ran
his ship upon the very danger he was endeavouring to
avoid. It is by making provision for war, in a time of
peace, and, in expending its money freely, to further

mony before the court of inquiry, thought the ship struck about
three miles and a half from the town of Tripoli, and one and a half
from the nearest point of land, which bore south. By the chart,
the western margin of the western reef is about 4000 yards from
the nearest point in the town, and the western margin of the east
ern reef, about 6000. Three miles and a half would be just 6110
yards. This reef, too, lies as near as may be, a mile and a half
north of the nearest land ; thus agreeing perfectly with Commo
dore Porter's testimony. In addition, the western portion of the
reef could not have been reached without passing into five fathoms
water, and Capt. Bainbridge deemed it prudent to haul oft' when
he found himself in eight. All the soundings show, as well as the
distances, that the frigate struck as stated in the text, on the east
ern half of the Kaliusa Reef; which might well be named the
Philadelphia Reef. It may be added, that the nearest land would
bear nearer southeast, than south, from the western half of these
shoals. The following sketch will explain the text more fully.

BAINBRIDGE.

45

the objects of general science, in the way of surveys
and other similar precautions, that a great maritime
state, in particular, economizes, by means of a present
expenditure, for the moments of necessity and danger
that may await it, an age ahead.

46 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

Bainbridge's first recourse, was the natural expedient
of attempting to force the ship over the obstacle, in the ex
pectation that the deep water lay to seaward. As soon,
however, as the boats were lowered, and soundings
taken, the true nature of the disaster was comprehended,
and every effort was made to back the Philadelphia off,
by the stern. A ship of the size of a frigate, that goes
seven or eight knots, unavoidably piles a mass of water
under her bows, and this, aided by the shelving of the
reef, and possibly by a ground swell, had carried the
ship up too far, to be got off by any ordinary efforts.
The desperate nature of her situation was soon seen by
the circumstance of her falling over so much, as to
render it impossible to use any of her starboard guns.

The firing of the chase had set several gun-boats in
motion in the harbor, and a division of nine was turn
ing to windward, in order to assist the xebec the Phila
delphia had been pursuing, even before the last struck.
Of course the nature of the accident was understood,
and these enemies soon began to come within reach of
shot, though at a respectful distance on the larboard
quarter. Their fire did some injury aloft, but neither
the hull nor any of the crew of the frigate were hit.

Every expedient which could be resorted to, in order
to get the Philadelphia off, was put in practice. The
anchors were cut from the bows ; water was pumped
out, and other heavy articles were thrown overboard,
including all the guns, but those aft. Finally the fore
mast was cut away. It would seem that the frigate
had no boat strong enough to carry out an anchor, a
serious oversight in 'the equipment of a vessel of any
sort. After exerting himself, with great coolness and

BAINBRIDGE. 47

discretion, until sunset, Bainbridge consulted his offi
cers, and the hard necessity of hauling down the colors
was admitted. By this time, the gun-boats had ventured
to cross the frigate's stern, and had got upon her weather
quarter, where, as she had fallen over several feet to
leeward, it was utterly impossible to do them any harm.
Other boats, too, were coming out of the harbour to the
assistance of the division which had first appeared.

The Tripolitans got on board the Philadelphia, just
as night was setting in, on the last day of October.
They came tumbling in at the ports, in a croAvd, and
then followed a scene of indiscriminate plunder and
confusion. Swords, epaulettes, watches, jewels, money,
and no small portion of the clothing of the officers even,
disappeared, the person of Bainbridge himself being
respected little more than those of the common men.
He submitted to be robbed, until they undertook to force
from him a miniature of his young and beautiful wife?
when he successfully resisted. The manly determi
nation he showed in withstanding this last violence, had
the effect to check the aggression, so far as he was con
cerned, and about ten at night, the prisoners reached
the shore, near the castle of the bashaw.

Jussuf Caramelli received his prisoners, late as was
the hour, in full divan ; feeling a curiosity, no doubt, to
ascertain what sort of beings the chances of war had
thrown into his power. There was a barbarous cour
tesy in his deportment, nor was the reception one of
which the Americans had any right to complain. After
a short interview, he dismissed the officers to an excel
lent supper which had been prepared for them in the
castle itself, and to this hour, the gentlemen who sat

48 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

down to that feast with the appetites of midshipmen,
speak of its merits with an affection which proves that
it was got up in the spirit of true hospitality. When
all had supped, they were carried back to the divan,
where the Pacha and his ministers had patiently awaited
their return ; when the former put them in charge of
Sidi Mohammed D'Ghies, one of the highest function
aries of the regency, who conducted the officers, with
the necessary attendants, to the building that had lately
been the American consular residence.

This was the commencement of a long and irksome
captivity, which terminated only with the war. The
feelings of Bainbridge were most painful, as we know
from his letters, his private admissions, and the peculiar
nature of his case. He had been unfortunate through
out most of his public service. The Retaliation was
the only American cruiser taken in the war of 1798,
and down to that moment, she was the only vessel of
the new marine that had been taken at all. Here, then,
was the second ship that had fallen into the enemy's
hands, also under his orders. Then the affair of the
George Washington was one likely to wound the feel
ings of a high-spirited and sensitive mind, to which
expknations, however satisfactory, are of themselves
painful and humiliating. These were circumstances
that might have destroyed the buoyancy of some men ;
and there is no question, that Bainbridge felt them
acutely, and with a lively desire to be justified before
his country. At this moment, his officers stepped in to
relieve him, by sending a generous letter, signed by
every man in the ship whose testimony could at all
influence the opinion of a court of inquiry. Care was

BAINBRIDGE. 49

taken to say, in this letter, that the charts and soundings
justified the ship in approaching the shore, as near as
she had, which was the material point, as connected
with his conduct as a commander ; his personal deport
ment after the accident being beyond censure. Bain-
bridge was greatly relieved by the receipt of this letter,
the writing of which was generously and kindly con
ceived, though doubts may exist as to its propriety, in a
military point of view. The commander of a ship, to a
certain extent, is properly responsible for its loss, and
his subordinates are the witnesses by whose, testimony
the court, which is finally to exonerate, or to condemn,
is guided ; to anticipate their evidence, by a joint letter,
therefore, is opening the door to management and in
fluence which may sometimes shield a real delinquent.
So tender are military tribunals, strictly courts of honour,
that one witness is not allowed to hear the testimony of
another, and the utmost caution should ever be shown
about the expression of opinions even, until the moment
arrives to give them in the presence of the judges, and
under the solemnities of oaths. This is said without
direct reference to the case before us, however ; for, if
ever an instance occurred in which a departure from
severe principles is justifiable, it was this ; and no one
can regret that Bainbridge, in the long captivity which
followed, had the consolation of possessing such a let
ter. It may be well, here, to mention that all the offi
cers whose names are given already in this biography,
shared his prison, with the exception of Messrs. Cox
and M'Donough : the former of -whom had exchanged
with Lieutenant Porter, now a captive, while the latter
had been left at Gibraltar, in charge of the Meshboha,

VOL. I. 5

50 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

to come aloft with Decatur, and to share in all the gal
lant deeds of that distinguished officer, before Tripoli.

Much exaggeration has prevailed on the subject of
the treatment the American prisoners received from the
Turks. It was not regulated by the rules of a more
civilized warfare, certainly, and the common men were
compelled to labour under the restrictions of African
slavery ; but the officers, on the whole, were kindly
treated, and the young men were even indulged in
many of the wild expressions of their humors. There
were moments of irritation, and perhaps of policy, it is
true, in which changes of treatment occurred, but con
finement was the principal grievance. Books were
obtained, and the studies of the midshipmen were not
neglected. Sidi Mohammed D'Ghies proved their
friend, though the Danish consul, M. Nissen, was the
individual to whom the gratitude of the prisoners was
principally due. This benevolent man commenced his
acts of kindness the day after the Americans were
taken, and he continued them, with unwearying pbi-
lanthropy, down to the hour of their liberation. By
means of this gentleman, Bainbridge was enabled to
communicate with Commodore Preble, who received
many useful suggestions from the prisoner, concerning
his own operations before the town.

The Turks were so fortunate as to be favored with
good weather, for several days after the Philadelphia
fell into their hands. Surrounding the ship with their
gunboats, and carrying out the necessary anchors, they
soon hove her off the reef into deep water ; where she
floated, though it was necessary to use the pumps freely,
and to stop some bad leaks. The guns, anchors, &c.,

BAINBRIDGE. 51

had unavoidably been thrown on the rocks ; and they
were also recovered with little difficulty. The prisoners,
therefore, in a day or two, had the mortification to see
their late ship anchored between the reef and the town ;
and, ere long, she was brought into the harbor and par
tially repaired.

tt is said, on good authority, that Bainbridge suggest
ed to Preble the plan for the destruction of the Phila
delphia, which was subsequently adopted. His corre
spondence was active, and there is no question that it
contained many useful suggestions. A few weeks after
he was captured, he received a manly, sensible letter
from Preble, which, no doubt, had a cheering influence
on his feelings.

It will be remembered that the Philadelphia went
ashore on the morning of the 31st October, 1803. On
the 15th of the succeeding February, the captives were
awaked about midnight by the firing of guns. A bright
light gleamed upon the windows, and they had the
pleasure to see the frigate enveloped in flames. Deca-
tur had just quitted the ship, and his ketch was then
sweeping down the harbor towards the Siren, which
awaited her in the offing !

This exploit caused a sensible change in the treat
ment of the officers, who were then captives in Tripoli.
On the first of March, they were all removed to the
castle, where they continued for the remainder of the
time they were prisoners, or more than a twelvemonth.
Several attempts at escape were made, but they all
failed ; principally for the want of means. In this
manner passed month after month, until the spring had
advanced into the summer. One day the cheering in-

52 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

telligence spread among the captives that a numerous
force was visible in the offing, but it disappeared in
consequence of a gale of wind. This was about the
1st of August, 1804. A day or two later this force re
appeared, a heavy firing followed, and the gentlemen
clambered up to the windows which commanded a par
tial view of the offing. There they saw a flotilla of
gunboats, brigs, and schooners, gathering towards the
rocks, where lay a strong division of the Turks, the
shot from the batteries and shipping dashing the spray
about, and a canopy of smoke collecting over the sea.
In the back-ground v/as the Constitution — that glorious
frigate !— coming down into the fray, with the men on
her top-gallant-yards gathering in the canvas, as coolly
as if she were about to anchor. This was a sight to
warm a sailor's heart, even within the walls of a prison !
Then they got a glimpse of the desperate assault led
by Decatur — the position of their windows permitting
no more — and they were left to imagine what was going
on, amid the roar of cannon, to leeward. This was the
celebrated attack of the 3d August ; or that with which
Preble began his own warfare, and little intermission
followed for the next six weeks. On the njght of the
4th of September, a few guns were fired — a heavy ex
plosion was heard — and this terminated the din of war.
It was the catastrophe in which Somers perished. A
day or two later, Bainbridge was taken to see some of
the dead of that affair, but he found the bodies so much
mutilated as to render recognition impossible.

Bainbridge kept a journal of the leading events that
occurred during his captivity. Its meagerness, how
ever, supplies proof of the sameness of his Jife ; little

BAINBRIDGE. 53

occurring to give it interest, except an occasional diffi
culty with the Turks, and these attacks. In this jour
nal he speaks of the explosion of the Intrepid, as an
enterprise that entirely failed ; injuring nothing. It
was thought in the squadron that a part of the wall of
the castle had fallen, on this occasion, but it was a mis
take. Not a man, house, or vessel of Tripoli, so far as
can now be ascertained, suffered, in the least, by the
explosion. Bainbridge also mentions, what other infor
mation corroborates, that the shells seldom burst. Many
fell within the town, but none blew up. Two or three
even struck the house of the worthy Nissen, but the
injury was slight, comparatively, in consequence of this
circumstance.

At length the moment of liberation arrived. An
American negotiator appeared in the person of the con
sul-general for Barbary, and matters drew towards a
happy termination. Some obstacles, however, occurred,
and, to get rid of them, Sidi Mohammed D'Ghies, a judge
of human nature, and a man superior to most around him,
proposed to the Bashaw to let Bainbridge go on board
the Constitution, then commanded by Com. Rodgers.
The proposal appeared preposterous to the wily and
treacherous Jussuf, who insisted that his prisoner would
never be fool enough to come back, if once at liberty.
The minister understood the notions of military honor
that prevailed amongst Christian nations better, and he
finally succeeded in persuading his master to consent
that Bainbridge might depart; but not until he had
placed his own son in the Bashaw's hands, as a hostage.*

* It is pleasing1 to know that this son has since had his life most
probably saved, by the timely intervention of the American au-
5*

54 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

The 1st of June, 1805, was a happy hour for the
subject of our memoir, for then, after a captivity of
nineteen months, to a day, was he permitted again to
tread the deck of an American man-of-war. The entire
day was spent in the squadron, and Bainbridge returned
in the night, greatly discouraged as to the success of
the negotiation. Finding Sidi Mohammed D'Ghies,
they repaired to the palace together, where the Bashaw
received them with wonder. He had given up the
slight expectation he ever had of seeing his captive
again, and had been sharply rebuking his minister for
the weakness he had manifested by his credulity.
Bainbridge stated to the prince the only terms on which
the Americans would treat, and these Jussuf immedi
ately rejected. The friendly offices of M. Nissen were
employed next day, however, and on the third, a coun
cil of state was convened, at which the treaty, drawn
up in form, was laid before the members for approval
or rejection.

At this council, Bainbridge was invited to be present.
When he entered, he was told by the Bashaw, himself,
that no prisoner in Barbary had ever before been admit
ted to a similar honor, and that the discussions should
be carried on in French, in order that he might under
stand them. The question of " peace or war" was then
solemnly proposed. There were eight members of the
council, and six were for war. Sidi Mohammed D'Ghies

thorities. A man-of-war was sent to Tripoli, and brought him off
at a most critical moment, when he was about to fall a sacrifice to
his enemies. He is dead ; having been an enlightened statesman,
like his father, and a firm friend of this country j though much
vilified and persecuted toward the close of his brief career.

BAINBRIDGE. 55

and the commandant of the marine alone maintained
the doctrine of peace. There may have been precon
cert and artifice in all this ; if so, it was well acted.
The speeches were grave and dignified, and seemingly
sincere, and, after a time, two of the dissentients were
converted to the side of peace; leaving the cabinet
equally divided. "How shall I act?" demanded the
Bashaw. " Which party shall I satisfy ? — you are four
for peace, and four for war !" Here Sidi Mohammed
D'Ghies arose and said it was for the sovereign to de
cide — they were but councillors, whereas he was their
prince : though he entreated him, for his own interests
and for those of his people, to make peace. The
Bashaw drew his signet from his bosom, deliberately
affixed it to the treaty, and said, with dignity and em
phasis, "It is peace.11

The salutes followed, and the war ceased. The
principal officers of the squadron visited the captives that
evening ; and the next day the latter were taken on board
ship. A generous trait of the seamen and marines, on
this occasion, merits notice. A Neapolitan slave had
been much employed about them, and had shown them
great kindness. They sent a deputation to Bainbridge,
to request he would authorize the purser to advance
them $700, of their joint pay ; it was done, and, with
the money, they bought the liberty of the Neapolitan ;
carrying him off with them — finally landing him on
his own shores.

At Syracuse, a court of inquiry was held, for the loss
of the Philadelphia. This court consisted of Capts.
James Barren, Hugh G. Campbell and Stephen Deca-
tur, jun. Gen. Eaton was the judge advocate. The

56 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

result was an honorable acquittal. The rinding of this
court was dated June 29, 1805.

The country dealt generously and fairly by Bain-
bridge and his officers. The loss of the Philadelphia
was viewed as being, precisely what it was, an una
voidable accident, that was met by men engaged in the
zealous service of their country, in a distant sea, on an
inhospitable shore, and at an inclement season of the
year ; and an accident that entailed on the sufferers a
long and irksome captivity. To have been one of the
Philadelphia's crew has ever been rightly deemed a
strong claim on the gratitude of the republic, and from
the hour at which the ill-fated ship lowered her ensign,
down to the present moment, a syllable of reproach has
never been whispered. Bainbridge, himself, was brought
prominently into notice by the affair, and the sympathy
his misfortunes produced in the public mind, made him
a favorite with the nation. The advantage thus ob
tained, was supported and perpetuated by that frank and
sincere earnestness which marked his public service,
and which was so well adapted to embellish the manly
career of a sailor.

The officers and crew of the Philadelphia reached
home in the autumn of 1805, and were welcomed
with the warmth that their privations entitled them to
receive.

Capt. Bainbridge had married, when a young man,
and he now found himself embarrassed in his circum
stances, with an increasing family. But few ships were
employed, and there were officers senior to himself to
command them. The half-pay of his rank was then
only $600 a year, and he determined to get leave to

BAINBRIDGE. 57

make a voyage or two in the merchant service, in order
to repair his fortunes. He had been appointed to the
navy-yard at New York, however, previously to this
determination, but prudence pointed out the course on
which he had decided. A voyage to the Havana, in
wThich he was part owner, turned out well, and he con
tinued in this pursuit for two years ; or from the sum
mer of 1806, until the spring of 1808. In March of
the latter year, he was ordered to Portland, and, in De
cember following, he was transferred to the command
of the President 44, then considered the finest ship in
the navy. Owing to deaths, resignations, and promo
tions, the list of captains had undergone some changes
since the passage of the reduction-law. It now con
tained thirteen names, a number determined by an act
passed in 1806, among which that of Bainbridge stood
the sixth in rank.* The difficulties with England, which
had produced the armament, seemed on the point of ad
justment, and immediate war was no longer expected.
Bainbridge hoisted his first broad pennant in the Presi
dent, having the command on the southern division of
the coast ; Com. Rodgers commanding at the north. In
the summer of 1809, the President sailed on the coast
service, and continued under Bainbridge's orders, until
May, 1810, when he left her, again to return to a mer
chant vessel.

On this occasion Bainbridge went into the Baltic.
On his way to St. Petersburg, a Danish cruiser took
him, and carried him into Copenhagen. Here, his first
thought was of his old friend Nissen. Within half an
hour, the latter was with him, and it is a coincidence
worthy of being mentioned, that at the very moment

58 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

the benevolent ex-consul heard of Bainbridge's arrival,
lie was actually engaged in unpacking a handsome
silver urn, which had been sent to him, as a memorial of
his own kindness to them, by the late officers of the
Philadelphia.

Through the exertions of this constant friend, Bain-
bridge soon obtained justice, and his ship was released.
He then went up the Baltic. In this trade Capt. Bain-
bridge was induced to continue, until the rencontre oc
curred, between his late ship, the President, and the
British vessel of war, the Little Belt. As soon as ap
prized of this event, he left St. Petersburg, and made
the best of his way to the Atlantic coast, over-land. In
February, 1812, he reached Washington, and reported
himself for service. But no consequences ever followed
the action mentioned, and a period of brief but delusive
calm succeeded, during which few, if any, believed that
war was near. Still it had been seriously contemplated ;
and, it is understood, the question of the disposition of
the navy, in the event of a struggle so serious as one
with Great Britain's occurring, had been gravely agi
tated in the cabinet. To his great mortification, Bain-
bridge learned the opinion prevailed that it would be
expedient to lay up all the vessels ; or, at most, to use
them only for harbor defence. Fortunately, the present
Com. Stewart, an officer several years the junior of
Bainbridge in rank, but one of high moral courage and
of great decision of character, happened to be also at
the seat of government. After a consultation, these
two captains had interviews with the Secretary and
President, and, at the request of the latter, ad
dressed to him such a letter as finally induced a change

BAINBRIDGE. 59

of policy. Had Bainbridge and Stewart never served
their country but in this one act, they would be entitled
to receive its lasting gratitude. Their remonstrances
against belonging to a peace-navy were particularly
pungent ; but their main arguments were solid and
convincing. After aiding in performing this act of vital
service to the corps to which he belonged, Bainbridge
proceeded to Charlestown, Massachusetts, and assumed
the command of the yard.

War was declared on the 18th June, 1812 ; or shortly
after Bainbridge was established at his new post. By
this time death had cleared the list of captains of most
of his superiors. Murray was at the head of the navy,
but too old and infirm for active service. Next to him
stood Rodgers ; James Barron came third, but he was
abroad ; and Bainbridge was the fourth. This circum
stance entitled him to a command afloat, and he got the
Constellation 38, a lucky ship, though not the one he
would have chosen, or the one he might justly have
claimed in virtue of his commission. But the three
best frigates had all gone to sea, in quest of the enemy,
and he was glad to get any thing. A few weeks later,
Hull came in with the Constitution, after performing
two handsome exploits in her, and very generously
consented to give her up, in order that some one else
might have a chance. To this ship Bainbridge was
immediately transferred, and on board her he hoisted
his broad pennant on the loth September, 1812.

The Essex 32, Capt. Porter, and Hornet 18, Capt.
Lawrence, were joined to Bainbridge 's orders, and his in
structions were to cruise for the English East India trade,
in the South Atlantic. The Essex was in the Delaware ;

60 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

she was directed to rendezvous at the Cape de Verdes,
or on the coast of South America. The Constitution
and Hornet sailed in company, from Boston, on the
26th October. The events of the cruise prevented the
Essex, which ship was commanded by Porter, his old
first lieutenant in the Philadelphia, from joining the
commodore.

The Constitution and Hornet arrived off St. Salvador
on the 13th of December. The latter ship went in, and
found the Bonne Citoyenne, an enemy's cruiser of
equal force, lying in the harbor. This discovery led to
a correspondence which will be mentioned in the life
of Lawrence, and which induced Bainbridge to quit the
offing, leaving the Hornet on the look-out for her enemy.
On the 26th, accordingly, he steered to the southward,
intending to stand along the coast as low as 12° 20' S.,
when, about 9, A. M., on the 29th, the ship then being
in 13° 6' S. latitude, and 31° W. longitude, or about
thirty miles from the land, she made two strange sail,
inshore and to windward. After a little manoeuvring,
one of the ships closing, while the other stood on to
wards St. Salvador, Bainbridge was .satisfied he had an
enemy's frigate fairly within his reach. This was a
fortunate meeting to occur in a sea where there was
little hazard of finding himself environed by hostile
cruisers, and only sixty-four days out himself from
Boston.

In receiving the Constitution from Hull, Bainbridge
found her with only a portion of her old officers in
her, though the crew remained essentially the same.
Morris, her late first lieutenant, had been promoted,
and was succeeded by George Parker, a gentleman of

BAINBRIDGE. 61

Virginia, and a man of spirit and determination. John
Shubrick and Beekman Hoffman, the first of South
Carolina and the last of New York, two officers who
stood second to none of their rank in the service, were
still in the ship, however, and Alwyn, her late master,
had been promoted, and was now the junior lieutenant.*
In a word, their commander could rely on his officers
and people, and he prepared for action with confidence
and alacrity. A similar spirit seemed to prevail in the
other vessel, which was exceedingly well officered, and,
as it appeared in the end, was extra manned.

At a quarter past meridian, the enemy showed Eng
lish colors. Soon after, the Constitution, which had
stood to the southward to draw the stranger off the land,
hauled up her mainsail, took in her royals, and tacked
toward the stranger. As the wind was light and the
water smooth, the Constitution kept every thing aloft,
ready for use, closing writh her enemy with royal yards
across. At 2 P. M. the stranger was about half a mile
to windward of the Constitution, and showed no colors,
except a jack. Bainbridge now ordered a shot fired at
him, to induce him to set an ensign. This order being
misunderstood, produced a whole broadside from the
Constitution, when the stranger showed English colors
again and returned the fire.

This was the commencement of a furious cannon-

* Alas ! how few of the gallant spirits of the late war remain !
Bainbridge is gone. Parker died in command of the Siren, the
next year. John Shubrick was lost in the Epervier, a twelve
month later; and Beekman Hoffman died a captain in 1834;
while Alwyn survived the wounds received in this action but a
few days.

VOL. I. 6

62 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

ading, both ships manoeuvring to rake and to avoid
being raked. Very soon after the action commenced,
Bainbridge was hit by a musket ball in the hip ; and,
a minute or two later, a shot came in and carried away
the wheel, and drove a small bolt with considerable
violence into his thigh. Neither injury, however, in
duced him even to sit down; he kept walking the
quarter-deck, and attending to the ship, greatly adding
to the subsequent inflammation, as these foreign sub
stances were lodged in the muscles of his leg, and, in the
end, threatened tetanus. The last injury was received
about twenty minutes after the firing commenced, and
was even of more importance to the ship than the
wound it produced was to her captain. The wheel
was knocked into splinters, and it became necessary
to steer below.* This was a serious evil in the
midst of a battle, and more particularly in an action in
which there was an unusual amount of manoeuvring.
The English vessel, being very strong manned, was

* Some time after the peace of 1815, a distinguished officer of
the English navy visited the Constitution, then just fitted anew at
Boston, for a Mediterranean cruise. He went through the ship

accompanied by Capt. , of our service. " Well, what do you

think of her?" asked the latter, after the two had gone through
the vessel and reached the quarter-deck again. " She is one of
the finest frigates, if not the very finest frigate, I ever put my foot
on board of," returned the Englishman; " but as I must find some
fault, I'll just say that your wheel is one of the clumsiest things

I ever saw, and-is unworthy of the vessel." Capt. laughed,

and then explained the appearance of the wheel to the other, as
follows: "When the Constitution took the Java, the former's
wheel was shot out of her. The Java's wheel was fitted on the
Constitution to steer with, and, although we think it as ugly as
you do, we keep it as a trophy !"

BAINBRIDGE. 63

actively handled, and, sailing better than the Con
stitution in light winds, her efforts to rake produced a
succession of evolutions, which caused both ships to
ware so often, that the battle terminated several miles
to leeward of the point on the ocean where it com
menced.

After the action had lasted some time, Bainbridge
determined to close with his enemy at every hazard.
He set his courses accordingly, and luffed up close to
the wind. This brought matters to a crisis, and the
Englishman, finding the Constitution's fire too heavy,
attempted to run her aboard. His jib-boom did get foul
of the American frigate's mizen rigging, but the end of
his bowsprit being shot away, and his foremast soon
after following, the ships passed clear of each other,
making a lucky escape for the assailants.* The battle

* On the part of the enemy, in the war of words which succeed
ed the war of 1812, it was pretended that the Constitution kept
off in this engagement. Bainbridge, in his official letter, says he
endeavoured to close, at the risk of being raked ; the early loss
of the Constitution's wheel prevented her from manoeuvring as
she might otherwise have done. When a frigate's wheel is gone,
the tiller is worked by tackles, below two decks, and this makes
awkward work ; first, as to the transmission of orders, and next,
and principally, as to the degree of change, the men who do the
work not being able to see the sails. There are two modes of
transmitting the orders ; one by a tube fitted for that express pur
pose, and the other by a line of midshipmen.

But the absurd part of the argument was an attempt to show
that the Constitution captured the Java by her great superiority in
small-arms-men; Kentucky riflemen, of course, of whom, by the
way, there probably was never one in an American ship. This
attempt was made, in connection with a battle in which the de
feated party, too, had every spar, even to her bowsprit, shot out
of her ! All the witnesses on the subsequent court of inquiry ap-

64 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

continued some time longer, the Constitution throwing
in several effective raking broadsides, and then falling
alongside of her enemy to leeward. At length, finding
her adversary's guns silenced and his ensign down,
Bainbridge boarded his tacks again, luffed up athwart
the Englishman's bows, and got a position ahead
and to windward, in order to repair damages ; actually
coming out of the battle as he had gone into it, with
royal yards across, and every spar, from the highest
to the lowest, in its place ! The enemy presented a
singular contrast. Stick after stick had been shot out
of him, as it might be, inch by inch too, until nothing,
but a few stumps, was left. All her masts were gone,
the foremast having been shot away twice, once near
the cat-harpings, and again much nearer to the deck ;
the main-topmast had come down some time before the
mainmast fell. The bowsprit, as has been said, was
shot away at the cap. After receiving these damages,
the enemy did not wait for a new attack, but as soon as
the Constitution came round, with an intention to cross

pear to have been asked about this musketry, and the answer of
the boatswain is amusing.

Question. " Did you suffer much from musketry on the fore
castle?"

Answer. " Yes ; and likewise from round and grape."
Another absurdity was an attempt to show (see James, Ap. p. 12)
that the Java would have carried the Constitution had her men
boarded. The Constitution's upper deck was said to be deserted,
as if her people had left it in apprehension of their enemies. Not
a man left his station in the ship, that day, except under orders,
and so far from caring about the attempt to board, they ridiculed it.
The Java was very bravely fought, beyond a question, but the
Constitution took her, and came out of the action with royal yards

BAINBRIDGE.

65

her fore-foot, he lowered a jack which had been flying
at the stump of his mizenmast.*

* The following diagram will aid the reader in his view of the
movements of the two vessels, during the engagement.

Wind N. E.

ufl'W

?

Hour 2.10.

e -

J I
3

S i

66 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

The ship Bainbridge captured was the Java 38, Capt.
Lambert. The Java was a French built ship that had
been captured some time previously, under the name of
La Renommee, in those seas where lies the island after
which she was subsequently called. She mounted 49
carriage guns, and had a sufficient number of supernu
meraries on board to raise her complement at quarters
to something like 400 souls. Of these the English ac
counts admit that 124 were killed and wounded; though
Bainbridge thought her loss was materially greater. It
is said a muster-list was found in the ship, that was dated
five days after the Java left England, and which con
tained 446 names. From these, however, was to be
deducted the crew for a prize she had taken ; the ship
in company when made the day of the action. Capt.
Lambert died of his wounds ; but there was a master
and commander on board, among the passengers, and
the surviving first lieutenant was an officer of merit.

In addition to the officers and seamen who were in
the Java, as passengers, were Lieutenant-General Hislop
and his staff, the former of whom was going to Bombay
as governor. Bainbridge treated these captives with
great liberality and kindness, and after destroying his
prize for want of means to refit her, he landed all his
prisoners, on parole, at St. Salvador.

In this action the Constitution had nine men killed
and twenty-five men wounded. She was a good deal
cut up in the rigging, and had a few spars injured, but
considering the vigour of the engagement and the
smoothness of the water, she escaped with but little in
jury. There is no doubt that she was a heavier ship
than her adversary, but the difference in the batteries

BAINBRIDGE. 67

was less than appeared by the nominal calibres of the
guns ; the American shot, in that war, being generally
of light weight, while those of the Java, by some ac
counts, were French.

It has been said that Bainbridge disregarded his own
wounds until the irritation endangered his life. His
last injury must have been received about half-past two,
and he remained actively engaged on deck until 11
o'clock at night ; thus adding the irritation of eight
hours of exertion to the original injuries. The conse
quences were some exceedingly threatening symptoms,
but skilful treatment subdued them, when his recovery
was rapid.

An interesting interview took place between Bain-
bridge and Lambert, on the quarter-deck of the Consti
tution, after the arrival of the ship at St. Salvador.
The English captain was in his cot, and Bainbridge
approached, supported by two of his own officers, to
take his leave, and to restore the dying man his sword.
This interview has been described as touching, and as
leaving kind feelings between the parting officers. Poor
Lambert, an officer of great merit, died a day or two
afterwards.

The Constitution now returned home for repairs, being
very rotten. She reached Boston, February 27, 1813,
after a cruise of only four months and one day. Bain
bridge returned in triumph, this time, and, if his coun
trymen had previously manifested a generous sympa
thy in his misfortunes, they now showed as strong a
feeling in his success. Tho victor was not more
esteemed for his courage and skill than for the high

68 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

and chivalrous courtesy and liberality with which he
had treated his prisoners.

Bainbridge gave up the Constitution on his return
home, and resumed the command of the yard at Charles-
town, where the Independence 74 was building, a vessel
he intended to take, when launched. Here he remained
until the peace, that ship not being quite ready to go
out when the treaty was signed. In the spring of 1815,
a squadron was sent to the Mediterranean, under Deca-
tur, to act against the Dey of Algiers, and Bainbridge
followed, as command er-in-chief, in the Independence,
though he did not arrive until his active predecessor
had brought the war to a successful close. On this oc
casion, Bainbridge had under his orders the largest naval
force that had then ever been assembled under the
American flag ; from eighteen to twenty sail of efficient
cruisers being included in his command. In November,
after a cruise of about five months, he returned to New
port, having one ship of the line, two frigates, seven
brigs, and three schooners in company. Thus he car
ried to sea the first two-decker that ever sailed under
the American flag ; the present Capt. Bolton being his
first lieutenant. During this cruise, Com. Bainbridge
arranged several difficulties with the Barbary powers,
and in all his service, he maintained the honor and
dignity of his flag and of his command.

Bainbridge now continued at Boston several years,
with his pennant flying in the Independence, as a guard
ship . In the autu mn of 1 8 1 9, however, he was detached
once more, for the purpose of again commanding in
the Mediterranean. This was the fifth time in which

BAINBRIDGE. 69

he had been sent into that sea ; three times in command
of frigates, and twice at the head of squadrons. The
Columbus 80, an entirely new ship, was selected for his
pennant, and he did not sail until April, 1820, in conse
quence of the work that it was necessary to do on board
her. The Columbus reached Gibraltar early in June.
This was an easy and a pleasant cruise, one of the ob
jects being to show the squadron in the ports of the
Mediterranean, in order to impress the different nations
on its coast with the importance of respecting the mari
time rights of the republic. Bainbridge had a strong
desire to show his present force, the Columbus in par
ticular, before Constantinople, whither he had been
sent twenty years before, against his wishes, but a firman
could not be procured to pass the castles with so heavy
a ship. After remaining out about a year, Bainbridge
was relieved, and returned home, the principal objects
of his cruise having been effected.

This was Bainbridge's last service afloat. He had
now made ten cruises in the public service, had com
manded a schooner, a brig, five frigates and two line-of-
battle ships, besides being at the head of three different
squadrons, and it was thought expedient to let younger
officers gain some experience. Age did not induce
him to retire, for he was not yet fifty ; but others had
claims on the country, and his family had claims on
himself.

Although unemployed afloat, Bainbridge continued
diligently engaged in the service, generally of the re
public and of the navy. He was at Charlestown — a
favourite station with him — for some time, and then was
placed at the head of the board of navy commissioners.

70 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

at Washington. After serving his three years in the
latter station, he had the Philadelphia yard. Bainbridge
had removed his family twenty-six times, in the course
of his different changes, and considering himself as a
Delaware seaman, he now determined to establish him
self permanently in the ancient capital of the country.
An unpleasant collision with the head of the depart
ment, however, forced him from his command in 1831 ;
but, the next year, he was restored to the station at
Charlestown. His health compelled him to give up this
station in a few months, and his constitution being broken,
he returned to his family in Philadelphia, in the month of
March, 1832, only to die. His disease was pneumonia,
connected with great irritation of the bowels and a
wasting diarrhoea. As early as in January, 1833, he was
told that his case was hopeless, when he manifested a
calm and manly resignation to his fate. He lived,
however, until the 28th of July, when he breathed his
last, aged fifty-nine years, two months and twenty-one
days. An hour or two previously to his death, his mind
began to wander, and not long before he yielded up his
breath, he raised all that was left of his once noble
frame, demanded his arms, and ordered all hands called
to board the enemy !

Bainbridge married, in the early part of his career, a
lady of the West Indies, of the name Hyleger. She
was the grand-daughter of a former governor of St.
Eustatia, of the same name. By this lady he had five
children who grew up ; a son and four daughters. The
son was educated to the bar ; was a young man of much
promise, but he died a short time previously to his
father. Of the daughters, one married a gentleman of

WIMiDAm

iH>

71

>.'iic of Hayes, formerly of the navyt another

5 M A. G. Jan don, of Philadelphia, ami a thirl

'iiit vviftj of Henry K. Hcfl£ a native of Penn-

* •*., and a sea-lieutenant in the service, of eleven

.-itaiulincr. He left his family in easy circum-

,. principally the result of his nwn ;«nuter/re,

thought, gallantry, rod enter? rri;-^-.

U the time of w'» deatj,.. f.'<#&*nchlor

'£k<"^ m the «*rvice to which be i«^

: uT» i-; ih^ fooivry, v/h-^. mteretttr' are alcmc

? j|ii».s»f-rt««c ^-y L jTfj-vrertol marine) he

. wave \\rcm a iia£ some years before the termina-

• hif? career. Quite recently a brg of war has

. d his name, in that service which he so much

, and hi which he passed the best of his days.

rn. R'''nl>ridge was », man of fine and'commahdici?

;/jH-':*mnC4". Bb (Staiwt- was about six> feet,

youih, ana his cy.'.- u

. !.»:ii\j,'jramtnt he was aMeiii Eu*d ,K*J>V -.i •»••••• 'i..w -v :
•.L'Ti^-jr. and of a courage of proof. U> ^^^,;;x-

h.'inppt, a. id. he wii? quickly roiiF-.-
•.mil br?\"?, h" was easily appeased. Like :.r.;.=^
: • are cxci-.aUe, but who are firm at bottom, fet1

uiiitj . »j.r» TTO.J ij.uopiia.uie, cm vairous, magnanimous,

* A singular proof how far the resolution of Bainbridge could
overcome his natural infirmities, was connected with a very melan
choly aflair. When Decatur fought the duel in which he fell, he

RICHARD SOMERS.

FEW men in this country have left names as distin
guished as that of Somers, around whose personal history
there remains so much doubt. Had he not given up
his life in the service of his country, he would most
probably have now been living, in a green old age.
While many of his friends and shipmates still survive
to bear testimony to his bravery and his virtues, yet no
one seems to possess the precise information that is
necessary to a full and accurate biographical sketch of
more than his public services. The same mystery that
has so long clothed the incidents of his death, appears
to have gathered about those of his early life, veiling the
beginning and the end equally in a sad and uncertain
interest.

The family of Somers emigrated from England to
America in the early part of the eighteenth century,
establishing itself at Great Egg Harbor, Gloucester
county, New Jersey. Here the emigrant became the
proprietor of a considerable landed property, most of
which still remains in the hands of his descendants, the
place bearing the name of Somers' Point. This Point
forms the southeastern extremity of the county, being
separated from that of Cape May merely by the Harbor.
Gordon, in his Gazetteer of New Jersey, thus describes
the spot, viz.: — "Somers' Point, post-office and port of

VOL. i. 7 73

74 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

entry for Great Egg Harbor district, upon the Great Egg
Harbor bay, about 43 miles S. E. from Woodbury, 88
from Trenton, and, by post-route, 196 from Washington.
There is a tavern and boarding-house herev and several
farm-houses. It is much resorted to for sea-bath incr in

O

summer, and gunning in the fall season."

It is believed that the Christian name of the emigrant
was John, and as this was also the baptismal designation
of the celebrated jurist, who came from the middle class
of society, the circumstances, taken in connection with
the fact that the family was known to have been respect
able in England, leaves the strong probability that the
parties had a common origin. At all events, this John
Somers, by his possessions, and position, must have
been of a condition in life much superior to the great
body of the emigrants to the American colonies. Report
makes him a man of strong English habits and charac
ter, while there is a tradition among his descendants of
the existence of a mother, or of a mother-in-law, who
was of French extraction, and a native of Acadie. This
person may have been the mother of the wife of the
emigrant, however ; but the circumstance is not without
interest, when it is remembered that the regretted
Somers ^himself, like his intimate friend Decatur, had
more of the physical appearance of one descended from
a French stock, than of one who was derived from a
purely Anglo-Saxon ancestry.

The property at Somers' Point descended princi
pally, if not entirp'y, to the two sons of the emigrant,
John and Richard. John, the eldest, lived and died on
the estate, where his descendants are still to be found.
Richard, the youngest, married Sophia Stillwell, of the

RICHARD SOMERS. 75

same part of his native province, by whom he had three
children, Constant, Sarah, and Richard.

Constant Somers married Miss Learning, of Cape
May county, and died young, leaving a son and a
daughter. The former, who bore his father's name,
was accidentally killed at Cronstadt, in Russia, while
yet a youth, and the daughter married a gentleman of
the name of Corsen, also of Cape May county, and has
issue. These children are the only descendants, in the
third generation, of Richard Somers, the second son of
the emigrant.

Sarah Somers married Captain Keen, of Philadelphia,
and still survives as his widow, but has no children.
Richard, the youngest child, is the subject of our
memoir.

Richard Somers, the elder, would seem to have been
a man of considerable local note. He was a colonel of
the militia, a judge of the county court, and his name
appears among those of the members from his native
county in the Provincial Congress, for the year 1775 ;
though it would seem that he did not take his seat.
Col. Somers was an active wrhig in the Revolution, and
was much employed, in the field and otherwise, more
especially during the first years of the great struggle
for national existence. His influence, in the part of
New Jersey where he resided, was of sufficient import
ance to render him particularly obnoxious to the attacks
of the tories, who were in the practice of seizing promi
nent whigs, and of carrying them within the British
lines ; and Great Egg Harbor being much exposed to
descents from the side of the sea, Col. Somers was
induced to remove to Philadelphia with his family, for

76 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

protection. As this removal must have been made
after the town was evacuated by Sir Henry Clinton, it
could not have taken place earlier than the summer of
1778 ; and there is good reason for thinking it occurred
two or three seasons later. Here Col. Somers remained
for several years, or nearly down to the period of his
death.

Richard Somers, the son of Richard, and the grandson
of the emigrant, it is believed was born in 1779, and it
is known that his birth took place prior to the removal
of his parents to Philadelphia. As his father was born
November 24, 1737, it determines two facts : first, that
the family must have emigrated at least as early as
1730, if not some years earlier ; and, secondly, that
Col. Somers had reached middle age when his distin
guished and youngest child drew his earliest breath.
Somers first went to school in Philadelphia, and was
subsequently sent to Burlington, where there was an
academy of some merit for the period. At the latter
place the boy continued until near the time of the death
of his father, if not quite down to the day of that event.

Col. Somers died in 1793 or 1794 ; two records of his
death existing, one of which places it in the former, and
the other in the latter year.

There is even some uncertainty thrown around the
precise period when Somers first went to sea. His
nearest surviving relative is of opinion that he had
never entered upon the profession when he joined the
navy ; but this opinion is met by the more precise
knowledge of one of his shipmates in the frigate in
which he first served, who affirms that the young man
was a very respectable seamen on coming on board

RICHARD SOMERS. 77

The result of our inquiries is to convince us that
Somers must have gone to sea somewhere about the
year 1794, or shortly after the death of his father, and
when he himself was probably between fifteen and six
teen years of age. The latter period, indeed^ agrees
with that named by the relative mentioned, as his age
when he went to sea, though it is irreconcilable with
the date of the equipment of the man-of-war he first
joined, and that of his own warrant in the navy. From
the best information in our possession, therefore, we are
led to believe that the boy sailed, first as a hand and
then as a mate, if not as master, on board a coaster,
owned by some one of his own family, of which more
than one plied between Great Egg Harbor and the ports
of New York and Philadelphia. This accords, too,
with his known love of adventure and native resolution,
as well as with his orphan condition ; though he inhe
rited from his father a respectable property, including a
portion of the original family estate, as well as of lands
in the interior of Pennsylvania.

In his boyhood and youth, Somers was remarkable
for a chivalrous sense of honor, great mildness of man
ner and disposition, all mingled with singular firmness
of purpose. His uncle, John Somers, who was the
head of the family, and as such maintained an authority
that was more usual in the last century than it is to-day,
is described as an austere man, who was held in great
awe by his relative^, and who was accustomed to meet
with the greatest preference amongst his kindred, not
only for all his commands, but for most of his opinions.
The firmness and decision shown by his nephew,
Richard, however, in a controversy about a dog, in

7*

78 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

which the uncle was wrong and the boy right, are said
to have astonished the whole family, and to have created
a profound respect in the senior for the junior, that con
tinued as long as the two lived. Richard could not
have been more than twelve when this little incident
occurred.

Somers received his warrant as a midshipman in the
spring of 1798. This was, virtually, at the commence
ment of the present navy, the Ganges 24, Capt. Dale,
the first vessel that got out, being ordered to sea May
22d of that year. The Ganges was soon followed by
the Constellation 38, and Delaware 20, the three ships
cruising on the coast to prevent the depredations com
mitted by French privateers. The next vessel out was
the United States 44, bearing the broad pennant of Com.
John Barry, the senior, officer of the service. To this
vessel Somers was attached, making his first cruise in
her.

The United States was then, as now, one of the finest
frigates that floats. Equipped in Philadelphia, then the
capital of the country, and the centre of American civili
zation, and commanded by an experienced and excellent
officer, no young man could have commenced his pro
fessional career under more favorable auspices than was
the case with Somers. The ship had for lieutenants,
Ross 1st, Mullowney 2d, Barron 3d, and Stewart 4th.
The two latter are now the senior officers of the service.
Among his messmates in the steerage, Somers had for
friends and associates Decatur and Caldwell, both Phila-
delphians. It is a proof that Somers had been previously
to sea, that, on joining this ship, he was named as mas
ter's mate of the hold, a situation uniformly given, in

RICHARD SOME RS. 79

that day, to the most experienced and trust-worthy of
the midshipmen. It was while thus associated, that
the close connection was generated between Somers and
Decatur, which, for the remainder of their joint lives,
rendered them generous professional rivals and fast per
sonal friends.

The United States sailed on her first cruise early in
July, 1798, going to the eastward, where she collected
a small squadron, that had come out of the ports of New
England, and with which she soon after proceeded to
the West Indies. She remained cruising in those seas
for the remainder of the year, as the commanding
vessel ; Com. Barry having collected a force of some
twenty sail under his orders by the commencement of
winter. Shortly after Mr. Ross left the ship, and
Messrs. Mullowney and Barren were promoted. This
occurred in the spring of 1799, when Mr. Stewart be
came 1st lieutenant of the frigate, Mr. Edward Meade
2d, Somers 3d, and Decatur 4th. Thus the service of
Somers, as a midshipman, could not have exceeded a
twelvemonth : conclusive evidence of his having been
at sea previously to joining the navy, were any other
testimony required than that of his shipmates. In the
autumn of 1799, the United States sailed from New
port, Rhode Island, for Lisbon, having on board, as
commissioners to the French Republic, the gentlemen
who subsequently arranged the terms of peace. It is
probable that Somers, whose previous experience had
been in the American seas, crossed the Atlantic for the
first time in this cruise. Mr. Stewart being placed in
command of the Experiment 12, in the year 1800,
Somers ended the war as second lieutenant of the ship

80 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

he had joined as a midshipman about three years
before.

The war of 1798 allowed but few opportunities for
officers to distinguish themselves. But two frigate
actions were fought, and, singularly enough, on the
side of the Americans, both fell to the share of the
same commander and the same ship, Truxtun and the
Constellation ; leaving nothing but vigilant watchful
ness and activity to the lot of most of the other officers
and vessels. While the United States had no chance
for earning laurels, she was always a model cruiser for
discipline and seamanship, and the young men who
served in her during the quasi-war, had no grounds of
complaint on the score of either precept or example.
They had been in an excellent school, and the " Old
Wagoner," as this vessel was afterwards called, turned
out as many distinguished officers as any vessel of the
day.

At the formation of the peace establishment, in 1801,
Somers was retained as the twelfth lieutenant, in a list
that then presented only thirty-six officers of that rank.
The rapid promotion which marked the first few years
of the existence of the present marine, belongs to the
history of the day, and must be ascribed to the occur
rence of two wars in quick succession, and to the wants
of an infant service. The list alluded to forms a sub
ject of melancholy and yet proud interest to every
American who is familiar with this branch of the re
public's annals. It is headed by the name of Charles
Stewart, and closes with that of Jacob Jones. Hull,
Shaw, Chauncy and Smith precede Somers on this list ;
Decatur stands next to him ; and Dent, Porter, the

RICHARD SOMERS. 81

elder Cassin, Gordon and Caldwell follow. A long list
of names that have since become distinguished, in
cluding those of JVTDonough, Lawrence, the younger
Biddle, Perry, the younger Cassin, Trippe, Allen,
Burrows, Blakely, Downes, Crane, Morris, Ridgely,
Warrington, the elder Wadsworth, &c. &c., was then
to be found among the midshipmen. Not a name be
low that of the seventeenth captain of the present day
(Woodhouse) was then to be found in the navy regis
ter at all ; that of Sloat, now the thirty-third captain,
having lost its place in consequence of a resignation.
When Commodores Stewart and Hull examine the
present register, they find on it but eleven names, be
sides their own, that were there even when they were
made commanders. They both remain captains them
selves to this hour !

The United States was laid up in ordinary at the
peace of 1801, and there was this noble frigate suffered
to remain, until she was again commissioned for the
coast service, a few months previously to the war of
1813. Among the vessels that were built to meet the
emergency of the French struggle, was a frigate called
the Boston, a vessel that it was usual then to rate as a
thirty-two, but which was properly a twenty-eight,
* carrying only twenty-four twelves on her gun-deck.
This little ship had fought a spirited action with a
heavy French corvette called the Bercean, in the war
that had just terminated, and had brought in her an
tagonist. This circumstance rendered her a favourite,
and she was kept in commission at the termination of
hostilities, under the command of Captain Daniel
M'Niell, an officer of whose eccentricities there will be

82 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

occasion to speak, when we come to the record of his
extraordinary career. Somers, on quitting the United
States, was transferred to the Boston as her first lieu
tenant. The ship sailed from New York in the sum
mer of 1801, for L'Orient, in France, having on board
Chancellor Livingston and suite, the newly appointed
legation to that country. After landing the minister,
the Boston proceeded to the Mediterranean. The
cruise of this ship was remarkable for its entire inde
pendence. Capt. M'Niell had been ordered to join the
Mediterranean squadron, then under the pennant of
Com. Dale ; and, although he was in that sea during
parts of the commands of that officer and his successor,
Com. Morris, he so successfully eluded both as never
to fall in with them ; or if he met the latter at all, it
was only for a moment, and near the end of his own
cruise. Capt. M'Niell, notwithstanding, wanted for
neither courage nor activity. He visited many ports,
gave frequent convoys, and even wrent off Tripoli, the
scene of the war ; but, from accident or design, all
this was so timed as to destroy every thing like concert
and combination. In this cruise Somers had an oppor
tunity of seeing many of the ports of Italy, Spain, and
the islands, and doubtless he acquired much of that
self-reliance and experience which are so necessary tq
a seaman, in his responsible station of a first lieutenant.
He was then a very young man, not more than twenty-
three ; and this was a period of life when such oppor
tunities were of importance. Nor does he seem to
have neglected them, as all of his contemporaries speak
of his steadiness of character, good sense, and amiable,
correct deportment, with affection and respect. The

RICHARD SOMERS. 83

Boston returned home at the close of 1802, when Capt.
M'Nieil retired from the service, under the reduction
law, and the ship was laid up, never to be employed
again. The commander subsequently returned to the
seas, in the revenue service, but the frigate lay rotting
at Washington, until she was burned at the inroad of
the enemy, in 1814, a worthless hulk.

At the reduction of the navy in 1801, but one
vessel below the rate of a frigate, the Enterprise 12,
was retained in the marine. Most of the sloops that
had been used in the French war were clumsy vessels
with gun-decks, that had been bought into the service.
They were not fit to be preserved, and the department
was not sorry to get rid of them. By this time, how
ever, the want of small vessels was much felt in carry
ing on the Tripolitan war, and a law providing for the
construction of four vessels of not more than sixteen
guns, passed in the session of 1802-3. These vessels
were the Siren 16, Argus 16, Nautilus 12, and Vixen
12. As the country at that day had no proper yards,
it was customary to assign certain officers to superin
tend the building and equipment of vessels on the
stocks, the selections being commonly made from those
who it was intended should subsequently serve in them.
On this occasion Decatur was attached to the Argus, it
being understood he was to take her to the Mediterra
nean arid give her up to Hull, receiving the Enterprise
from the latter in exchange, as the junior officer.
Stewart was given the Siren, as his due ; Smith got
the Vixen ; and Soiners the Nautilus. By this time,
or in the spring of 1803, owing to resignations, the
kttcr stood seventh on the list of lieutenants, Smith

84 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

being one before him, and Decatur one his junior.
Stewart and Hull headed the register. Of the thirty-
six officers of this rank retained under the reduction
law, but twenty-five then remained in service. To-day
their number is lowered to three, viz., Stewart, Hull
and Jacob Jones !

The Nautilus, the first and only command of Somers,
was a beautiful schooner of about 160 or 170 tons, and
mounted twelve 181b. carronades, with two sixes, having
a crew of from 75 to 95 souls. This was a hand
some situation for a young sailor of twenty-four, who
had then followed his profession but about nine years,
and who had been in the navy but five, having com
menced a midshipman. In that day, however, no one
envied Somers, or believed him unduly favoured, for
he was thought to be an old officer, though he had not
been half the time in the service which is now employ
ed in the subordinate situations of midshipman and
passed midshipman.

The Mediterranean squadron, which sailed in the
summer and autumn of 1803, was that which subse
quently became so celebrated under the orders of Preble.
It consisted of the Constitution 44, Treble's own ship ;
the Philadelphia 38, Capt. Bainbridge ; Argus 16, first
Lieut. Com. Decatur, then Lieut. Com. Hull ; Siren 16,
Lieut. Com. Stewart ; Vixen 12, Lieut. Com. Smith ;
Enterprise 12, first Lieut. Com. Hull, then Lieut.
Com. Decatur ; and Nautilus 12, Lieut. Com. Somers.
These vessels did not proceed to their station in squad
ron, but they left home as they got ready. The En
terprise was already out, but, of the ships fitting, the
Nautilus was the first equipped, and the first to sail.

RICHARD SOMERS. 85

Somers left America early in the summer, and anchored
in Gibraltar Bay on the 27th July. The remaining
vessels arrived at different times, between the last of
August and the first of November. After a short stop
at Gibraltar, the Nautilus went aloft, giving convoy
when required, returning to the Rock in time to meet
the commodore in September.

The relief and the homeward-bound squadrons, or at
least that part of the former which had then arrived
and was below, and the return ships under Com. Rod-
gers, met at Gibraltar early in September. The state
of the relations with Morocco being very precarious,
Com. Preble determined to make an effort to avert a
new war, and Com. Rodgers handsomely consenting to
aid him, the former proceeded to Tangiers with all the
force he could assemble. Here he succeeded in awing
the Emperor into a treaty, and in putting a stop to a
system of depredations which the subjects of that prince
had already commenced. The Nautilus formed a part
of the force employed on this occasion, and was par
ticularly useful on account of her light draught of
water.

After arranging the difficulty with Morocco, Preble
made a formal declaration of the blockade of Tripoli,
before which town he believed that the Philadelphia
and Vixen were then cruising; though, unknown to
him, the latter had been temporarily detached, and the
Philadelphia was in possession of the enemy. From
this time until the succeeding spring, the Nautilus
was employed in convoying, or in carrying orders
necessary to the preparations that were making for the
coming season ; but in March she formed a part of the
VOL. i. 8

86 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

blockading force in front of Tripoli. In consequence
of the captivity of Capt. Bainbridge, Lieut. Com.
Stewart was the officer second in rank in the squadron,
and he was consequently kept much upon the coast in
command, while Preble was carrying on the negotiations
by means of which he obtained the gunboats and other
supplies neccessary to the attacks he contemplated.
In March, 1804, while the Siren and Nautilus were
alone maintaining the blockade, the two vessels had
been driven to the eastward of their port by a gale, and
early in the morning, while returning, they made a
warlike looking brig lying to off the place, with which
she was evidently in communication. Signal was
made to the Nautilus to stand close in, and watch the
gunboats, while the Siren ran alongside of the stranger,
who was captured for a violation of the blockade. The
prize proved to be a privateer called the Transfer, with
an English commission. She carried 10 guns and 80
men, and hailed from Malta, but, in fact, belonged to the
Bashaw of Tripoli ; her papers having been obtained
through the Tripolitan consul in Malta, who was a native
of that island. This vessel was appraised, equipped by
the squadron, and used in the war, having had her name
changed to the Scourge. Owing to certain scruples of
Mr. Jefferson on the subject of blockades, the vessel was
not condemned until the war of 1812, nor were the
captors paid their prize-money until Somers had been
dead nearly eleven years.

Between the time of the capture of the Transfer and
the month of July, the Nautilus was much employed
by the commodore, going beknv and visiting different
ports in Sicily. On the 20th of that month, Somers

RICHARD SOMERS. 87

sailed from Malta, in company with the Constitution,
the Enterprise, two bomb ketches and six gunboats that
had been obtained from the Neapolitans, bound off Tri
poli. On the arrival of the commodore, his whole force
was collected, and that series of short but brilliant opera
tions commenced, which has rendered the service of
this season so remarkable in the history of the American
navy.

A spirit of high emulation existed among the young
commanders by whom Preble now found himself sup
ported. Hull was the oldest in years, and he had
hardly reached the prime of life, while Stewart, Smith,
Somers and Decatur were all under five-and-twenty.
With the exception of the commodore, no commanding
officer was married, and most of them were bound
together by the ties of intimate friendships. In a word,
their lives, as yet, had been prosperous ; the past left
little to complain of, the future was full of hope ; and
there had been little opportunity for that spirit of
selfishness which is so apt to generate quarrels, to
get possession of minds so free and temperaments so
ardent.

This is the proper .place to allude to a private adven
ture of Somers', about the existence of which there
would seem to be no doubt, though, like so much that
belongs to this interesting man, its details are involved
in obscurity. While at Syracuse, where the American
vessels made their principal rendezvous, he was walking
in the vicinity of the town in company Avith two brother
officers, when five men carrying swords, who were
afterwards ascertained to be soldiers of the garrison,
made an attack on the party, with an attempt to rob.

88 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

One of the gentlemen was provided with a dirk, but
Soraers and the other were totally unarmed. The officer
with the dirk used the weapon so vigorously as soon to
bring down one assailant, while Somers grappled with
another. In the struggle Somers seized the blade of
his antagonist's sword, and was severely cut in the hand
by the efforts of the robber to recover it, but the latter
did not succeed, the weapon being wrested from him
and plunged into his own body. This decided the mat
ter, the three remaining robbers taking to flight. The
dead bodies were carried into the town and recognised.
This adventure is believed to have occurred while the
Nautilus was absent on her last visit to Sicily, though
it may have been of older date ; possibly as old as the
time when Somers was in the Boston. We think the
latter improbable, however, as the circumstance seems
to be unknown to his nearest relatives in this country,
which would hardly have been the case had it taken
place previously to his last visit to America. Our
information comes from an intimate friend, who received
the facts from Somers himself, but who was not at
Syracuse at the moment the attempt to rob occurred.

A gale of wind prevented the American vessels from
commencing operations before the 3d of August. On
that day Com. Preble stood in within a league of Tri
poli, with a pleasant breeze from the eastward. Here
he wore ship, with his head off the land, and signaled
all the vessels to pass within hail of the Constitution.
As the brigs and schooners passed the frigate each com
mander was ordered to prepare for an attack. Every
thing was previously arranged, and the ardor of the
young men under the orders of Preble being of the

RI CHARD SOMERS. 89

highest character, in one hour every man and craft were
ready for the contemplated service.

The harbor of Tripoli lies in a shallow indentation of
the coast, being tolerably protected against easterly and
westerly gales* by the formation of the land, while a
reef of rocks, which stretches for a mile and a half in a
northeasterly course, commencing at the town itself,
breaks the seas that roll in from the northward. This
reef extends near half a mile from the walls, entirely
above water, and is of sufficient height and width
to receive water batteries, containing the Lazaretto and
one or two forts. It is this commencement of the reef
which constitutes what is usually termed the mole, and
behind it lies the harbor proper. At its termination is
a narrow opening in the reef which is called the western
entrance, through which it is possible for a ship to pass,
though the channel is not more than two hundred feet
in width. Beyond this passage the rocks reappear,
with intervals between them, though lying on shoals
with from one half to five and a half feet of water on
them. The line of rocks and shoals extends more than
a mile outside of the western entrance. Beyond its
termination is the principal entrance to Tripoli, which
is of sufficient width though not altogether free from
shoals. The distance across the bay, from the north
eastern extremity of the rocks to what is called the
English fort, on the main land, is about two thousand
yards, or quite within the effective range of heavy guns.
In the bottom of the bay, or at the southeastern angle
of the town, stands the bashaw's castle, a work of some
size and force. It lies rather more than half a mile
from the western entrance, and somewhat more than a
8*

90 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

mile from the outer extremity of the reef. Thus any
thing within the rocks is commanded by all the water
defences of the place, while shot from the castle, and
more especially from the natural mole, would reach a
considerable distance into the offing. Some artificial
works aided in rendering the northwestern corner of the
harbor still more secure, and this place is usually called
the galley mole. Near this is the ordinary landing, and
it is the spot that may properly be termed the port.

The Tripolitans fully expected the attack of the 2d
of August, though they little anticipated its desperate
character, or its results. They had anchored nine of
their large, well-manned gunboats just outside of what
are called the Harbor Rocks, or the northeastern
extremity of the reef, evidently with a view of flanking
the expected attack on the town, which, lying on the
margin of the sea, is much exposed, though the rocks in
its front were well garnished with heavy guns. Accus
tomed to cannonading at the distance of a mile, these
gunboats expected no warmer service, more especially
as a nearer approach would bring their assailants within
reach of the castle and batteries. In addition to the
nine boats to the eastward, there were five others which
also lay along the line of rocks nearer to the western
entrance, and within pistol shot of the batteries in that
part of the defences. Within the reef were five more
gunboats and several heavy galleys, ready to protect the
outer line of gunboats at need, forming a reserve.

Com. Preble had borrowed only six gunboats from
the King of Naples, and these were craft that were
much inferior in size and force to the generality of those
used by the enemy. Each of these boats had a few

RICHARD SOMERS. 91

Neapolitans in her to manage her on ordinary occasions,
but, for the purposes of action, officers and crews were
detailed from the different vessels of the squadron.
These six boats were divided into two divisions ; to the
command of one was assigned Lieut. Com. Somers,
while Lieut. Com. Decatur led the other. Somers was
thought to be the senior lieutenant of the two, though
Decatur was at this time actually a captain, and Somers
himself was a master commandant, as well as Stewart,
Hull, and Smith, though the intelligence of these promo
tions had not yet reached the squadron. The three
boats commanded by Somers were

No. 1. Lieut. Com. Somers, of the Nautilus.

No. 2. Lieut. James Decatur, of the Nautilus.

No. 3. Lieut. Blake, of the Argus.
Decatur had under his immediate orders,

No. 4. Lieut. Com. Decatur of the Enterprise.

No. 5. Lieut. Joseph Bainbridge, of the Enterprise.

No. 6. Lieut. Trippe, of the Vixen.
Somers had with him in No. 1 a crew from his own
schooner, and Messrs. Ridgely and Miller, midshipmen;
the former being the present Com. Ridgely. Decatur
had the late Lieut. Jonathan Thorn, who was subsequently
blown up on the northwest coast of America, and the
modest, but lion-hearted M'Donough. Trippe had with
him in No. 6 the late Com. J. D. Henley and the late
Capt. Deacon, both then midshipmen. Of all the SG gal
lant young men Ridgely alone survives !

It was the intention of Preble to attack the eastern
division of the enemy's boats with his own flotilla, while
the ketches bombarded the town, and the frigate and
sloop covered both assaults with their round and grape.

92 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

With this object in view, the whole force stood in
towards the place at half-past one, the gunboats in tow.
Half an hour later the latter were cast off and formed in
advance, while the brigs and schooners, six in number,
formed a line without them, and the ketches began to
throw their shells. The batteries were instantly in a
blaze, and the Americans immediately opened from all
their shipping in return.

Circumstances had thrown the- division of gunboats
commanded by Somers to leeward of that commanded
by Decatur. It was on the right of the little line, and,
under ordinary occurrences, it would have been the
most exposed, being nearest to the batteries and the
weight of the Tripolitan fire, but Decatur gave a new
character to the whole affair by his extraordinary deci
sion and intrepidity. The manner in which this chi
valrous officer led on in a hand-to-hand conflict will be
related in his own biography, but it may be well to
state here that he was sustained only by Trippe, in No.
6, and his brother James, in No. 2 ; the latter being far
enough to windward to fetch into the easternmost divi
sion of the Tripolitan boats, though belonging to the
division commanded by Somers. No. 5, Lieut. Bain-
bridge, was disabled in approaching, though she con
tinued to engage, and finally grounded on the rocks.
Deprived of the support of No. 2 by the successful
effort of her gallant commander to close with the eastern
most division,, and of that of No. 3, in consequence of a
signal of recall that was made from the Constitution,
which arrested the movements of that boat, though it
was either unseen or disregarded by all the others,
Somers found himself alone, within the line of small

RICHARD SOMERS. 93

vessels, and much exposed to the fire of the leeward
division of the enemy's boats, as well as to that of the
nearest battery. The struggle to windward was too
fierce to last long, and Preble fearing that some of the
gunboats might be pushed into extreme peril, made the
signal of recall, at least an hour before the firing ceased,
No. 1 with Somers and his brave companions being all
that time in the very forlorn hope of the affair so far as
missiles were concerned. As soon as it had been ascer
tained that he could not fetch into the most weatherly
division of the enemy, Somers had turned like a lion on
that to leeward, and engaged the whole of that division,
five in number and at least of five times his own force,
within pistol shot ; one party being sustained by some
of the vessels outside, and the other by the batteries and
the craft within the rocks. In consequence of the direc
tion of the wind, the only means, short of anchoring,
that could be devised to prevent No. 1 from drifting
directly down, as it might be, into the enemy's hands,
was to keep the sweeps backing astern, while the long
gun of the boat delivered bags of musket balls filled
with a thousand bullets each. In the end, the enemy
was obliged to make off, and Somers was extricated from
his perilous position by the approach of the Constitution,
which enabled him to obey the commodore's signal and
bring out his boat in triumph.

Although the extraordinary nature of the hand-to-hand
conflict in which Decatur had been engaged threw a
sort of shade over the efforts of the other vessels em
ployed that day, the feeling of admiration for the con
duct of Somers, in particular, was very general in the
squadron. Apart from the struggles with the pike,

94 N A V A L B I 0 G R A P H Y.

sword and bayonet, his position was much the most cri
tical of any vessel engaged in the attack, and no man
could have behaved better than he was admitted to have
done. In short, next to Nos. 4 and 6, No. 1, it was con
ceded, had most distinguished herself, although No. 2,
under James Decatur, did as well as the circumstances
would allow. One of the best evidences which can be
given of the spirit of this attack is to be found in the
trifling nature of the loss the Americans suffered. But
fourteen men were killed and wounded in all the vessels,
and of these thirteen were on board the gunboats.
No. 4, notwithstanding her great exposure, had only
two casualties.

The Americans employed themselves, between the
3d and 7th of August, in altering the rigs of the three
boats they had taken in their first assault, and in equip
ping them for service. They were all ready by the
morning of the last day, and were taken into the line as
Nos. 7, 8, and 9. At half-past 2, the ketches began again
to throw their shells, and the nine gunboats opened a heavy
fire, still in two divisions commanded as before, though
the enemy tbis time kept his small vessels too far within
the rocks to be liable to another attempt at boarding.
While No. 1 was advancing to her station, on this oc
casion, Somers stood leaning against her nag-staff. In
this position he saw a shot flying directly in a line for
him. and bowed his head to avoid it. The shot cut the
flag-staff, and on measuring afterwards, it was rendered
eertain that he .escaped death only by the timely re
moval. The boats were under fire three hours in this
attack ; one of them, commanded by Lieut. Caldwell,
of the Siren, having been blown up. Between 5 and 6

RICHARD SOMERS. 95

P. M., the brigs and schooners took the lighter craft in
tow, and carried them beyond the reach of the batteries.
In this affair Somers' boat was hulled by a heavy shot,
and was much exposed.

A strange sail hove in sight near the close of this
attack, and she proved to be the John Adams 28, Capt.
Chauncy, last from home. This ship brought out the
commission already mentioned, as having been issued
some time previously. By this promotion, Somers be
came a master commandant, or a commander, as the
grade is now termed ; a rank in the navy which cor
responds to that of a major in the army, and which en
titles its possessor to the command of a sloop of wTar.
Several of these commanders were made at this time,
of whom Somers ranked as the seventh, which was pre
cisely the number he had previously occupied on the
list of lieutenants. There was a peculiarity about this
promotion which is worthy of comment, and which goes
to show the irregularities that have been practised in a
service which is generally understood to be governed
and protected by the most precise principles and enact
ments.

Certainly some, and it is believed that all the com
missions of commanders, bestowed upon the service in
1804, were issued without referring the nominations to
the Senate for confirmation. We have examined one
of these commissions, and find that it contains no allu
sion to that body, as is always done in those cases in
which a confirmation has been had ; and the omission
raises a curious question as to the legality of the ap
pointments. As the rank of commander in the navy
has never been declared by law to be one of those

96 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

offices in which the appointing power is exclusively be
stowed on the president, or a head of a department, it
follows that it comes within the ordinary provision of
the constitution. Now, in all the latter cases, the power
of the executive to appoint is confined to that of filling
vacancies which occur in the recess of the Senate, and
the commission issued, even under this strictly consti
tutional authority, is valid only until the expiration of
the succeeding session of that body. Thus three ques
tions present themselves as to the legality of these com
missions. First, that the grade of masters and com
manders had been indirectly, if not directly, abolished
by the reduction law of 1801 ; and, such being the
fact, the constitution giving to Congress full powers
to pass laws for the government of the army and navy,
it may well be questioned if the president and Senate
united had any legal right to re-establish the grade by
the mere use of the appointing power. Second, whether
such a vacancy existed as to authorize the president to
fill it in the recess of the Senate, had Congress renewed
the rank by law, which, however, is believed not to have
been the fact ; and, third, whether the commissions ac
tually granted, being without the advice and consent of
the Senate, could be legal, after the close of the suc
ceeding session of that body, under any circumstances.
As to the last objection, it is understood all the gentle
men who received these commissions continued to
serve under them until they died, resigned, or were
promoted.

The grave considerations connected with courts mar
tial, commands, and other legal consequences, which
unavoidably offer themselves when we are made ac-

RICHARD SOMERS. 97

quainted with so extraordinary a state of facts, are ma
terially lessened by the circumstances that all the gen
tlemen thus irregularly promoted were officers in the
navy under their former commissions, and that no rela
tive rank was disturbed. Thus, if Messrs. Stewart and
Hull were not legally the two oldest commanders in the
service, they were the two oldest lieutenants, and all the
other commanders being in the same dilemma with
themselves, their relative rank remained precisely as it
would have been had no new commissions been grant
ed. So also as regards courts ; the judge having a right
to sit as a lieutenant, unless, indeed, the informality of
annexing a wrong rank to the orders might raise a legal
objection.*

That so gross an irregularity should have arisen
under a government that professes to be one purely of
law, excites our wonder ; and this so much the more,
when we remember that it occurred- in a service in
which life itself may be the penalty of error. The ex-

* There are so many modes for evading the simplest provisions
of a written constitution, when power feels itself fettered, that it
is not easy to say in what manner the difficulties of this case were
got over. The reduction law said that there should be only nine
captains, thirty-six lieutenants, and one hundred and fifty midship
men during peace, and as the country was at war with Tripoli in
1804, there was a show of plausibility in getting over the force of
this particular enactment. Still the appointments of the com
manders were not to fill vacancies under any common-sense con
struction of their nature ; and even admitting that political inge
nuity could torture the law of Congress to build four vessels like
those actually put into the water, into an obligation to appoint
proper persons to cpmmand them, these appointments could have
no validity after the termination of the next session of the Senate.
Of the facts of the case we believe there can be no doubt.
VOL. I. 9

98 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

planation is to be found in the infancy of the establish--
ments, and in practices in which principles remained to
be settled, aided by the known moral courage and ex
ceeding personal popularity of the statesman who then
presided in the councils of the republic. While Jeffer
son affected, and probably felt, a profound respect for
legality, he is known to have used the power he wield
ed with great political fearlessness, and to have consi
dered himself as the head of a new school in the ad
ministration of the government, which did not always
hesitate about the introduction of new rules of conduct.
To these remarks, however, it must in justice be added,
that no party or personal views could have influenced
the appointments in question, which, apart from the
irregularity of their manner, were certainly recognised
equally by justice and the wants of the service, and
which were made in perfect conformity with the rules
of promotion as observed under the severest principles
of military preferment. They prove even more in favor
of the statesman, as they show that he did not deserve
all the accusations of hostility to this branch of the na
tional defences that were heaped upon him ; but rather
that he was disposed to stretch his authority to foster
and advance it. The introduction of a new class of
vessels, too, required the revival of a class of officers of
a rank proper to command them ; and, though we wish
never to see illegality countenanced in the management
of interests as delicate as those ot a marine, it is desira
ble to see the proper authorities of the country imitate
this feature of the case, now that the republic has fleets
which flag officers alone can ever lead with a proper
degree of dignity and authority.

RICHARDSOMERS. 99

It was the 28th of August before another attack was
made on Tripoli, in which Somers participated. The
ketches bombarded it on the night of the 24th ; but
finding little impression made by this mode of assault,
Com. Preble determined to renew the cannonading. On
this occasion Capt. Somers led one division of the gun
boats, as before, while Capt. Decatur led the other ; the
latter having five of these craft under his orders, and
the former three. The approach was made under the
cover of darkness, all the boats anchoring near the rocks,
where they opened a heavy fire on the shipping, castle,
and town. The brigs and schooners assisted in this
attack, and at daylight the frigate stood in, and opened
her batteries. The Tripolitan galleys and gunboats,
thirteen in all, were principally opposed to the eight
American gunboats, which did not retire until they had
expended their ammunition. One Tripolitan was sunk,
two more were run on shore, and all were finally driven
into the mole by the frigate.

On the 3d of September, a fourth and last attack was
made on Tripoli by the gunboats, aided by all the other
•^ssels. The Turkish boats did not wait, as before, to
be assaulted off the town, but, accompanied by the gal
leys, they placed themselves under Fort English, and a
new battery that had been built near it, with an inten
tion to draw the American shot in that direction. This
change of disposition induced Preble to send Captains
Decatur and Somers, with the gunboats, covered by the
brigs and schooners, into the harbor's mouth, while the
ketches bombarded more to leeward. On this occasion,
Somers was more than an hour hotly engaged, pressing
the enemy into his own port.

100 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

The season was now drawing near a close, and the
arrival of reinforcements from America had been ex
pected, in vain, for several weeks. It was during this
interval that a plan for destroying the enemy's flotilla,
as it lay anchored in his innermost harhor, was con
ceived, and preparations were soon made for putting it
in execution. The conception of this daring scheme
has been claimed for Somers himself, and not without
a share of reason. There existed between him and
Decatur a singular professional competition, that was
never permitted, however, to cool their personal friend
ships. The great success of the latter, in his daring
assaults, stimulated Somers to attempt some exploit
equally adventurous, and none better than the one
adopted then offered. The five attacks made on Tripoli,
with the vigorous blockade, had produced a sensible
effect on the tone of the bashaw, and it was hoped that
a blow as appalling as that now meditated might at
once produce a peace. The delicacy that a commander
would naturally feel about proposing a service so des
perate to a subordinate, renders it highly probable that
the idea originated with Somers himself, who thus s§-
cured the office of endeavoring to execute it. It is
proper to add, however, that Com. Preble says the pro
ject had long been in contemplation, though he does not
say who suggested it. The plan was as follows : The
ketch that had originally been taken by Decatur in the
Enterprise, and in which he had subsequently carried
the Philadelphia frigate, was still in the squadron. She
had been named the Intrepid, for the brilliant occasion
on which she had first been used, but had since fallen
from her high estate, having latterly been employed in

RICHARD SOMERS. 101

»

bringing water and stores from Malta. This craft had been
constructed for a gun vessel by the French, in their expe
dition against Egypt ; from their service she had passed
into that of Tripoli ; had fallen into the hands of warriors
from the new world ; by them she had been used in one of
the most brilliant exploits of naval warfare, and was now
about to terminate her career in another, of the most
desperate and daring character. It was proposed to fit
up the ketch in the double capacity of fire-ship and in
fernal, and to send her into the inner harbor of Tripoli,
by the western passage, there to explode in the very
centre of the vessels of the Turks. As her deck was
to be covered with missiles, and a large quantity of
powder was to be used, it was hoped that the town and
castle would suffer, not less than the shipping. The
panic created by such an assault, made in the dead of
night, it was fondly hoped would produce an instant
peace, and, more especially, the liberation of the crew
of the Philadelphia. The latter object was deemed one
of high interest to the whole force before Tripoli, and
was never* lost sight of in all their operations,

Com. Prebie having determined upon his plan,
Somers received the orders to commence the prepara
tions ; a duty in which he had the advice and assist
ance of Decatur, Stewart, and the other commanders
of the squadron, for all these ardent and gallant young-
men felt a common sympathy in his daring, and an
equal interest in his anticipated triumph. The first
step was to prepare the ketch for the desperate service
in which she was to be engaged. With this object a
small apartment was planked up in the broadest part of
her hold, 0$ just forward of the principal mast ; this
9*

102 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

was rendered as secure as was believed necessary
against accidents. Into this room a hundred barrels of
gunpowder were emptied in bulk. A train was led aft
to a cabin window, through a tube, and, by some ac
counts, another was led into the forepeak. A port-fire,
graduated to burn a certain number of minutes, was
affixed to the end of the train, and a body of light,
splintered wood was collected in another receptacle
abaft the magazine, which was to be set on fire, with
the double purpose of making certain of the explosion,
and of keeping the enemy aloof under the apprehen
sion of its flames. On the deck of the ketch, around
the mast and immediately over the magazine, were
piled a quantity of shells of different sizes with their
fuses prepared, in the expectation that the latter would
ignite and produce the usual explosion. The number
of these shells has been variously stated at from one
hundred and fifty to two hundred and fifty, the size
ranging from nine to thirteen and a half inches. The
best information, however, would seem to place the
number below two hundred. Some accounts give the
quantity of powder as high as fifteen thousand pounds,
which was probably near the truth.

Two boats were to accompany the ketch, one an ex
ceedingly fast rowing four-oared boat, being lent for the
purpose by the Siren, and the other was a six-oared
cutter of the Constitution. The service requiring but
few men, no more were employed than were necessary
to pull the two boats. To have gone in with a single
boat would have been unnecessarily hazardous, as a
shot might have disabled her, while the chances of es
cape were nearly doubled by adding a second, at the

RICHARD SOMERS. ' 103

same time that the additional men did not more than
make an ordinary crew for a Mediterranean craft of the
size of the Intrepid. A second officer, however, was
thought necessary, and Lieut. Henry Wadsworth, of the
Constitution, volunteering, his offer was accepted. Mr.
Joseph Israel, of the same ship, who had just been pro
moted, was also anxious to be of the party, but Com.
Preble deeming his assistance unnecessary, permission
to go was refused him. Thus it was intended that the
adventurers should be limited to twelve, of whom ten
were common seamen, one a lieutenant, and the other
a commander, or Somers himself.

It now became necessary to obtain volunteers for the
Siren's boat, and a call for this purpose was made by
Somers on the crew of his own vessel, the Nautilus.
Notwithstanding the desperate character of the service,
when the want was stated to the people of this little
vessel every man in her offered himself to go. This
compelled their superior to make a selection. The
other six seamen were obtained from the Constitution,
and were chosen, it is believed, by Mr. Wadsworth,
under the supervision of the ship's first lieutenant, who
at that time was the late Capt. Gordon. The four men
belonging to the Nautilus were James Simms, Thomas
Tompline, James Harris and William Keith ; all sea
men rated. Mr. Wadsworth took with him from the
Constitution William Harrison, Robert Clark, Hugh
M'Cormick, Jacob Williams, Peter Penner and Isaac
W. Downes, all seamen rated also.

Several days were necessary to complete all these
arrangements, more especially to equip the ketch in the
manner described, and the action of the 3d had taken

104 N A V A ^ BIOGRAPHY.

i

place even after the Intrepid was ready. Somers made
one or two attempts to go in before the night finally se
lected, but they were abandoned on account of the light
ness of the air. At length there were appearances in
and about the harbor that induced him to think that the
movements of the fire-vessel were distrusted, and, fear
ful of detection, he decided to go in on the night of the
4th September, if the thing were at all practicable.

Several interviews had taken place between Preble
and Somers in the course of the preparations for the
attempt. On one occasion the commodore burnt a port
fire in order to ascertain its time, and when it was con
sumed he asked Somers if he thought the boats could
get out of reach of the shells within the few minutes it
was burning. " I think we can, sir," answered Somers.
Preble looked intently at the young man a moment, and
then inquired if he should have the time reduced, or
the port-fire made shorter. " I ask for no port-fire at
all, sir," was the reply, firmly but quietly expressed.

After this interview, Somers expressed his determi
nation not to allow himself to be captured. The com
modore had felt it to be his duty to point out the great
importance of not letting so large an amount of powder
fall into the enemy's hands, the Tripolitans being
thought to be short of ammunition, and all the circum
stances united had a tendency to increase the feeling of
determination in the minds of the two officers who were
to go in. Both were singularly quiet men in their ordi
nary habits, perfectly free from any thing like noisy
declarations or empty boastings of what they intended
to perform, and their simple announcement of their in
tentions not to be taken appears to have made a deep

RICHARD SOMERS. 105

and general impression among their brethren in
arms.

On the afternoon of the 4th September, Somers pre
pared to take his final departure from the Nautilus, with
a full determination to carry the ketch into Tripoli that
night. Previously to quitting his own vessel, however,
he felt that it would be proper to point out the desperate
nature of the service to the four men he had selected,
that their services might be perfectly free and voluntary.
He told them he wished no man to accompany him
who would .not prefer being blown up to being taken;
that such was his own determination, and that he wished
all who went with him to be of the same way of think
ing. The boat's crew gave three cheers in answer, and
each man is said to have separately asked to be selected
to apply the match. Once assured of the temper of his
companions, Somers took leave of his officers, the boat's
crew doing the same, shaking hands and expressing
their feelings as if they felt assured of their fates in
advance. This was done in good faith, and yet cheer
fully ; and, of all the desperate service undertaken by
that devoted squadron, none was ever entered on with
so many forebodings of the fatal consequences to those
concerned in it. Each of the four rnen made his will
verbally ; disposing of his effects among his shipmates
like those who are about to die with disease.

It would seem that the Constitution's' boat did not
join the ketch until it was dusk. When the two crews
were mustered, it was found that Mr. Israel had
managed to get out of the frigate and to join the party ;
whether by collusion, or not, it is now impossible to say.
Finding him on board, and admiring his determination to

106 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

make one of the party, Somers consented to his remaining.
One account says he was sent hy Preble with a final or
der, but it is hardly probable Somers would have allowed
him to remain under such circumstances. He was
more likely to be smuggled in by means of the cutter,
and to be kept when there was no boat by which he
could be sent back. The night of the 4th was not
particularly dark, though it could scarcely be account
ed clear. The stars were visible, but there was a haze
on the water that rendered objects more uncertain than
they would otherwise have been. In this respect the
light was favourable enough, as the rocks could be seen,
while the real character of the ketch would not be so
likely to be discovered from the shore. The wind was
light, from the eastward, but fair.

Several of Somers' friends visited him on board the
Intrepid before she got under way. Among them were
Stewart and Decatur, with whom he had commenced
his naval career in the United States. These three
young men, then about twenty-five each, were Phila
delphia-bred sailors, and had been intimately associated
in service for the last six years. They all knew that
the enterprise was one of extreme hazard, and the two
who were to remain behind felt a deep interest in the
fate of him who was to go in. Somers was grave, and
entirely without any affectation of levity or indifference,
but he maintained his usual tranquil and quiet manner.
After some conversation, he took a ring from his finger,
and breaking it into three pieces, gave each of his com
panions one, while he retained the third himself. As
the night shut in, three gunboats were seen at anchor a
short distance within the western entrance, by which

RICHARD SOMERS. 107

the Intrepid was to pass, and Decatur, who felt a strong"
anxiety for the success ot his friend, admonished Sorrier?
to take care they did not hoard him, as it was the inten
tion to carry the ketch some distance within them. To
this Somers quietly replied that the Turks had got to
be so shy that he thought they would be more likely to cut
and run on his approach than to advance and meet him.

It was eight o'clock in the evening before the Intrepid
lifted her anchor; the Argus, Vixen, and Nautilus
weighing and standing in, in company. The night was
sufficiently advanced to cover this movement, and all
four vessels stood down towards the rocks under their
canvas. The last person who left the ketch was Lieut.
Washington Reed, then first of the Nautilus. This
officer did not quit his commander until it was thought
necessary for him to rejoin the vessel of which he was
now in charge. When he went over the side of the
Intrepid, all communication between the gallant spirits
she contained and the rest of the world ceased. At
that time every thing seemed propitious ; Somers was
cheerful, though calm; and perfect order and method
prevailed in the little craft. The leave-taking was
affectionate and serious with the officers, though the
common men appeared to be in high spirits. This was
about nine o'clock.

The Argus and Vixen lay off at a little distance from
the rocks to attack the galleys or gunboats, should either
attempt to follow the party out on their retreat, while
the Nautilus shortened sail and accompanied the ketch
as close in as was deemed prudent, with the especial
intention of bringing off the boats. Lieut. Reed direct
ed the present Com. Ridgely, then one of the Nautilus*

108 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

midshipmen,* to watch the ketch's movements with a
night-glass ; and, as this order was strictly complied
with, it is almost certain that this officer was the last
person of the American squadron who saw the vessel.
It was thought she was advancing slowly to the last
moment, though the distance and the obscurity render
this fact a little doubtful.

Preble had directed the Siren to weigh and stand in,
shortly after the other vessels left him, and, in obeying
the orders he received, Capt. Stewart kept more in the
offing than the vessels which preceded him. As the
direction of the western entrance and the inner harbor
were known, every eye in this brig was riveted in that
quarter in silent suspense. It was not long before the
enemy began to fire at the ketch, which, by this time,
was quite near the batteries, though the reports were
neither rapid nor numerous. At this moment, near ten
o'clock, Capt. Stewart and Lieut. Carrol were standing in
the Siren's gangway, looking intently towards the place
where the ketch was known to be, when the latter ex
claimed, " Look ! see the ligttt !" At that instant a light
was seen passing and waving, as if a lantern were car
ried by some person in quick motion along a vessel's
deck. Then it sunk from view. Half a minute may
have elapsed when the whole firmament was lighted with
a fiery glow, a burning mast, with its sails, was seen in
the air, the whole harbor was momentarily illuminated,
the awful explosion came, and "a darkness like that of
doom succeeded. The whole was over in less than a

* Mr. Ridgely signed a letter to Preble just two months later as
a lieutenant. He may possibly have been promoted at the time
the Intrepid went in.

RICHARDSOMERS. 109

minute ; the flame, the quaking of towers, the reeling
of ships, and even the bursting of shells, of which most
fell in the water, though some lodged on the rocks.
The firing ceased, and from that instant Tripoli passed
the night in a stillness as profound as that in which the
victims of this frightful explosion have lain from that
fatal hour to this.

The Nautilus showed lights in hopes to guide the
retreating boats to her side ; all eyes in the squadron
looked in vain for the expected signal ; a moaning gun
occasionally was heard from the frigate, a fitting knell
for such a disaster, but in vain. No one ever came back
from the ill-fated Intrepid to relate the history of her
loss. The Argus, Vixen and Nautilus hovered near the
rocks until the sun arose, but nothing was discovered to
throwr any light on the manner in which the ketch was
lost. The gun-boats anchored near the pass had been
moved ; one, it was thought, had entirely disappeared,
and two or three more were hauled ashore as if-
shattered.

In the American squadron the opinion was general
that Somers and his determined companions had blown
themselves up to prevent capture. In the absence of
certainty, facts were imagined to render such a desperate
step probable if not necessary. It was supposed that
gunboats had advanced to board the ketch, and that So
mers had fired the train in preference to falling into the
hands of the Tripolitans, or allowing them to get pos
session of the powder. Such appears to have been the
opinion of Com. Preble, who reported as much to the
government ; and the country, receiving its impressions
from this source, has long entertained the same idea.

VOL. i. 10

110 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

A few, however, of the more thoughtful have always
doubted, and subsequent discoveries have rendered these
doubts more and more probable.

Among the American prisoners in Tripoli was a
surgeon's mate of the name of Cowdery, now the oldest
surgeon in the navy, who was permitted to go very much
at large in the town, his professional services being
found useful. From this gentleman, from Capt. Bain-
bridge's private journal, and from other sources equally
credible, the following interesting facts have been ob
tained, leaving no question of their accuracy.

In the first place, neither the works, the town, nor the
Tripolitans themselves, appear to have suffered any
injury by the explosion. Captain Bainbridge in his
journal, where he speaks of this explosion, says :— -
" which unfortunate scheme did no damage whatever to
the Tripolitans ; nor did it appear even to heave them
into confusion." The bashaw, being desirous of ascer
taining how many Americans had been lost in the
explosion, offered a dollar for each body that could be
discovered. This produced the desired effect, and by
the 6th, the dead were all brought up. The bottom of
the ketch had drifted among the rocks, on the north
side of the round battery, which is near the western
entrance, and there it grounded. In the wreck, two
bodies were found. The Constitution's cutter, or the
six-oared boat, had drifted on the beach, a short distance
to the westward of the town. One body was in it. Six
more bodies were found on the shore to the southward,
and the remaining four were discovered floating in the
harbor. This makes the entire number of the thirteen
who were lost in the ketch. Captain Bainbridge de-

RICHARD SOMERS. Ill

scribes the six dead whom he saw as " being so much
disfigured, it was impossible to recognise any feature
known to us, or even to distinguish an officer from a
seaman." Those six bodies were the two found in the
wreck, and the four floating in the harbor. But Mr.
Cowdery was more successful. He selected three of the
bodies as those of officers, being guided by some frag
ments of dress still remaining on* them, and still more
by the delicate appearance of their hands. As this was
just the number of the officers who were actually lost,
and the Americans in Tripoli were then entirely igno
rant of the character of the party sent in, it leaves
scarcely a doubt that this gentleman decided accurately.
Indeed, if the palms of the hands were not much
injured, it would not be easy to make a mistake in such
a matter ; and any portions of the dress would be
almost as safe guides. The ten seamen were buried on
the beach, outside the town and near the walls : while
the three officers were interred in the same grave, on the
plain beyond, or a cable's length to the southward and
eastward of the castle. Small stones were placed at the
four corners of this last grave, to mark its site ; but they
were shortly after removed by the Turks, who refused
to let what they conceived to be a Christian monument,
Disfigure their land. Here, then, lie the remains of
Somers, and his two gallant friends ; and it might be
well to instruct the commander of some national cruiser
to search for their bones, that they may be finally incor
porated with the dust of their native land. Their
identity would at once be established by the number of
the skeletons, and the friends of the deceased might
experience a melancholy consolation in being permitted

112

N A V A L BIOGRAPHY.

to drop a tear over the spot in which they would be
finally entombed.

The facts related leave little doubt that Com. Preble
was mistaken in, at least, a portion of his conjectures.
That no Turks suffered, is shown by the direct testimony
of Captain Bainbridge's journal, a record made at the
time, and that, too, under circumstances which will not
well admit of mistakes! This truth is also corroborated
by other convincing testimony. Those who saw the
explosion, saw no signs of any vessel near the ketch at
the time it occurred, nor were the vestiges of any
wreck, but that of the Intrepid, to be seen in the harbor.
The officer who saw the ketch to the last moment, by
means of the glass, is not understood to have seen any
thing near her, and the thirteen bodies found, the pre
cise number of the Americans known to have been
lost, go to confirm the fact. It adds value to the testi
mony, too, that a written memorial of this very number
of the dead was made, before the prisoners in Tripoli
had any information concerning the force of the party
sent in from the squadron.

Nor is there sufficient reason for supposing that the
Americans blew themselves up, on this occasion. That
Somers went in with a full determination to put in force
this desperate expedient in the event of its becoming
necessary to prevent capture, is beyond dispute ; but
there is no proof of the existence of the necessity. To
suppose the match would have been applied, except in
the last emergency, is to accuse him who did it with a
want of coolness ; a virtue that Captain Somers pos
sessed in an eminent degree ; and this emergency could
hardly have existed without some of the enemy having

RICHARD SOMERS. 113

been near enough to suffer by the explosion. The whole
party was accustomed to fire, and it is scarcely possible
that they could have been driven to this desperate step,
by means of injury received in this manner, as they
always had their boats for a flight, when required.
There was a vague rumor that most of the bodies found
had been perforated by grape-shot, and a conjecture was
made that the survivors fired the train, in order to pre
vent the Turks from getting possession of the powder.
But the report can be traced to no sufficient authority,
and it is not probable that so many would have suffered
in this way as to prevent the unhurt from using the
boats and the train in the mode originally contemplated.
But one man was found in the Constitution's cutter,
and he, doubtless, was the boat-sitter, who lost his
life at his post. This indicates any thing but hurry or
alarm.

It is also certain that the splinter-room was not
lighted, as its flame would have been both quick and
bright ; and, with a thousand anxious eyes on watch,
it could not fail to have been seen. This circumstance
goes further to show, that no gunboat or galley could
have been approaching the ketch at the time she ex
ploded, one of the purposes of these splinters being to
keep the enemy aloof, through the dread of a fire-vessel.
To suppose a neglect of using the splinter-room, in a
case of necessity, would be to accuse the party of the
same want of coolness as is inferred by the supposition
of their blowing themselves up when no foe was near.
Both were morally impossible, with such a man as
Somers. Admitting that no Tripolitan vessel was near
the Intrepid, and still insisting that the train was fired
10*

114 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

by the Americans, no reason can be given why the pre
parations for the safety of the latter's crew should not
have been used. The Constitution's cutter was found
with its keeper alone in it, but of the Siren's boat we
have no account. The latter was probably alongside
the ketch and destroyed : it may have been sunk by a
falling shell ; or it may have been privately appropriated
to himself by some Turk. That no one was in it, how
ever, is shown by the twelve bodies that were found
out of the boats ; for, if manned, and a few yards from
the ketch, the crew would have been blown into its bot
tom, and not into the water.

Abandoning the idea that the Intrepid was intention
ally blown up, by Somers and his party, we have the
alternatives of believing the disaster to have been the
result of the fire of the enemy, or the consequences of
an accident. The latter is possible, but, the former
appears to us to be much the most probable. The light
seen by Captain Stewart and Lieutenant Carrol, taken
in connection with the circumstance that the explosion
occurred immediately after, and apparently at that pre
cise spot, is certainly an incident worthy of our consi
deration, though it is not easy to see how this light could
have produced the calamity. Accidents are much less
likely to happen on board such a vessel, than on ordi
nary occasions, every care being taken to prevent them.
As the intention was to fire the splinters, all caution
was doubtless used to see that no loose powder was lying
about, and that the flames should not communicate with
the train, except at the right moment, and in the proper
manner. Still an accident from this source may have
occurred through some unforeseen agency. If this light

RICHARD SOMERS. 115

•

was really on board the ketch it was probably carried
from aft, where it had been kept under the eye of the
officers, to the main-hatch, in order to kindle the splint
ers, a step that it was about time to take. Commodore
Preble, in his official letter, adverts to the circumstance
that this splinter-room had not been set on fire when the
ketch blew up, as a proof that the party had been
induced to act on an emergency ; for he always reasoned
as if they blew themselves up ; believing; that the Intre
pid was surrounded, and that many of the enemy were
killed. Reasoning on the same circumstance, with the
knowledge we now possess that no Turks were near, or
that any suffered, and it goes to show that the explosion
occurred at a moment when it was not expected by So-
mers, who would not have neglected to fire this room,
in any ordinary case. If the accident had its rise on
board the ketch, it probably occurred in the attempt to
take this preliminary step.

But the Intrepid may have been blown up, by means
of a shot from the enemy. This is the most probable
solution of the catastrophe, and the one which is the
most consoling to the friends of the sufferers, and which
ought to be the most satisfactory to the nation. Com
modore Preble says, "on entering the harbor several
shot were fired at her (the Intrepid) from the batteries."
The western entrance, in or near which the ketch blew
up, is within pistol shot of what is called the Spanish
fort, or, indeed, of most of the works on and about the
mole. Even the bashaw's castle lies within fair canister
range of this spot, and, prepared as the Turks were for
any desperate enterprise on the part of the Americans,
nothing is more probable than that they jealously

116 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

watched the movements of a vessel that was entering
their harbor after dark, necessarily passing near, if not
coming directly from the American squadron. Their
batteries may even have been provided with hot shot,
for any emergency like this. Gunboat No. 8, Lieute
nant Caldwell, was blown up in the attack of the 7th
August, and that very circumstance would probably
induce the Turks to make a provision for repeating the
injury. A cold shot, however, might very well have
caused the explosion. The breaking of one of the
shells on deck ; the collision with a bolt, a spike or even
a nail passing through the hull, may have struck fire.
It is possible a shot passed through the splinter-room,
and exposed the powder of the train, and that in run
ning below with a lantern to ascertain what damage had
been done, the accident may have occurred. The mov
ing light seen by the present Commodore Stewart,
would favor such a supposition ; though it must be
remembered this light may also have been on board
some vessel beyond the ketch, or even on the shore.

Only one other supposition has been made concerning
this melancholy affair. It has been thought that the
ketch grounded on the rocks, in the western entrance,
and was blown up there, to prevent the enemy from
getting possession of her powder. That the Intrepid
may have touched the rocks is not improbable, the pass
being laid down in the most accurate chart of the har
bor, as less than eighty fathoms wide, with shoal water
on each side, the visible rocks being more than double
that distance asunder ; but grounding does not infer the
necessity of blowing up the ketch's crew. To suppose
that Somers would have destroyed himself through

RICHARD SOMERS. 117

mortification, at finding his vessel on shore, is opposed
to reason and probability ; while it is doing gross injus
tice to a character of singular chivalry and generosity
to believe he would have sacrificed his companions to
any consideration so strictly selfish.

In this case, as in all others, the simplest and most
natural solution of the difficulty is the most probable.
Ah1 the known facts of tj|e case, too, help to sustain
this mode of reasoning. Those who saw the ketch,
think she was advancing to the last moment, while it
is agreed she had not reached, by several hundred
yards, the spot to which it was the intention to carry
her. By the chart alluded to, one recently made by
an English officer of great merit, it is about eleven
hundred yards from the western entrance to the
bashaw's castle, and about five hundred and fifty to the
inner harbor, or galley mole. Here, close to windward
of the enemy's vessels, Somers intended to have left
the ketch, and there is no doubt she would have drifted
into their midst, when the destruction must have been
fearful. God disposed of the result differently, for
some wise purpose of his own, rendering the assailants
the sole victims of the enterprise. It is only by con
sidering the utter insignificance of all temporal mea
sures, as compared with what lies beyond, that we can
learn to submit to these dispensations, with a just sense
of our own impotency.

All agree that the Intrepid blew up, in or quite near
to the western entrance. This was the result of direct
observation ; it is proved by the fact that portions of the
wreck and some of the shells fell on the rocks, and by
the positions in which the Constitution's cutter and the

118 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

bottom of the ketch were found. With the wind at
the eastward, the wreck could not have " grounded on
the north side of the rocks near the round battery," as
is stated in Commodore Bainbridge's private journal,
had the Intrepid been any distance within the entrance ;
nor would the Constitution's boat have drifted past the
intervening objects to the westward. The wind had
probably a little northing iiuit, following the line of
coast, as is usual with light airs, and as is shown by
the wreck's touching on the north side of the rocks, all
of which goes to prove, from an examination of the
chart, as well as from the evidence of those who were
present, that the accident occurred quite near the place
stated. Occurring so far out, with nothing near to en
danger the party, it leaves the moral certainty that the
explosion was the result of accident, and not of design ;
or, if the latter, of an attempt of the enemy to destroy
the Intrepid.

Thus perished Richard Somers, the subject of our
memoir, and one of the "bravest of the brave." Not
withstanding all our means of reasoning, and the great
est efforts of human ingenuity, there will remain a
melancholy interest around the manner of his end,
which, by the Almighty will, is for ever veiled from
human eyes in a sad and solemn mystery. In what
ever way we view the result, the service on which he
went was one of exceeding peril. He is known to
have volunteered for it, with readiness ; to have made
his preparation's with steadiness and alacrity ; and,
when last seen, to have been entering on its immediate
execution, with a calm and intrepid serenity. There
was an ennobling motive, too, for undertaking so great a

RICHARD SOMERS. 119

risk. In addition to the usual inducements of country
and honour, the immediate liberation of Bainbridge and
his brave companions was believed to depend on its
success. Exaggerated notions of the sufferings of the
Philadelphia's crew prevailed in the squadron before
Tripoli, as well as in the country, and their brethren
in arms fought with the double incentive of duty and
friendship. Ten minutes, more would probably have
realized the fondest hopes of the adventurers, but the
providence of God was opposed to their success, and the
cause, if it is ever to be known to man, must abide the
revolutions that await the end of time, and the com
mencement of eternity.

In person, Somers was a man of middle stature —
rather below than above it — but stout of frame ; ex
ceedingly active and muscular. His nose was inclining
to the aquiline, his eyes and hair were dark, and his
whole face bore marks of the cross of the French blood
that was said to run in his veins. It is a remarkable
circumstance in the career of this distinguished young
officer, that no one has any thing to urge against him.
He was mild, amiable and affectionate, both in disposi
tion and deportment, though of singularly chivalrous
notions of duty and honor. It has been said by a
writer who has had every opportunity of ascertaining
the fact, that when a very young man he fought three
duels in one day — almost at the same time — being
wounded himself in the two first, and fighting the last,
seated on the ground, sustained by his friend Decatur.
Although such an incident could only have occurred
with very young men, and perhaps under the exagger
ations of a very young service, it was perfectly charac-

120 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

teristic of Somers. There was nothing vindictive in
these duels. He fired but once at each adversary — he
wounded the last man — and was himself, in a physical
sense, the principal sufferer. The quarrels arose from
his opponents imputing to him a want of spirit for not
resenting some idle expression of Decatur's, who was
the last man living to intend to hurt Sorners' feelings.
They loved each other as brothers, and Decatur proved
it, by offering to fight the two last duels for his friend,
after the latter had received his first wound. But So
mers fought for honor, and was determined that the men
who doubted him, should be convinced of their mis
take. Apart from the error of continuing the affairs
after the first injury, and the general moral mistake of
supposing that a moral injury can be repaired in this
mode at all, these duels had the chivalrous character
that should ever characterize such meetings, if meetings
of this nature are really necessary to human civilization.

Although it is scarcely possible that a warm-hearted
young man, like Somers, should not have felt a prefer
ence for some person of the other sex, it is not known
that he had any serious attachment when he lost his
life. Glory appears to have been his mistress, for the
time being at least, and he left no one of this nature
behind him to mourn his early loss. He died possessed
of a respectable landed property, and one of increasing
value ; all of which he bequeathed to the only sister
mentioned.

Somers was thought to be an expert seaman, by
those who were good judges of such qualifications. As
a commander he was mild, but sufficiently firm. His
education, without being unusual even in his profession

RICHARD SOMERS. 121

at that day, had not been neglected, though he would
not probably have been classed among the reading men
of the service. A chivalrous sense of honor, an un
moved courage, and perfect devotion to the service in
which he was engaged, formed the prominent points of
his character, and as all were accompanied by great
gentleness of manner and amiability of feeling, he
appears to have been equally beloved and respected.
The attachment which existed between him and Decatur
had something romantic about it. They were rivals in
professional daring, while they were bosom friends. As
we have already said, it is by no means improbable that
the exploits of Decatur induced Somers, through a gen
erous competition, to engage in the perilous enterprise
in which he perished, and on which he entered with a
known intention of yielding up his life, if necessary to
prevent the enemy's obtaining the great advantage of
demanding ransom for his party, or of seizing the pow
der in the ketch.

Congress passed a resolution of condolence with the
friends of the officers who died in the Intrepid, as well
as with those of all the officers who fell before Tripoli.
Of these brave men, Somers, on account of his rank,
the manner of his death, and his previous exploits, has
stood foremost with the country and the service. These
claims justly entitle him to this high distinction. Among
all the gallant young men that this war first made known
to the nation, he has always maintained a high place,
and, as it is a station sealed with his blood, it has become
sacred to the entire republic.

It is a proof of the estimation in which this regretted
officer is held, that several small vessels have since been

VOL. I. 11

122 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

called after him. Perry had a schooner, which was
thus designated, under his orders on the memorable
10th September, 1813; and a beautiful little brig
has lately been put into the water on the seaboard,
which is called the Somers. In short, his name has
passed into a watchword in the American navy ; and
as they who are first associated with the annals of a na
tion, whether in connection with its institutions, its arms,
its literature, or its arts, form the germs of all its future
renown, it is probable it will be handed down to pos
terity, as one of the bright examples which the aspiring
and daring in their country's service will do well to
imitate.

JOHN SHAW.

AMONG the many brave Irishmen who, first and last,
have manifested their courage, and shown how strong
is the sympathy between the people of their native
island and this country, the subject of this sketch is
entitled to occupy a highly honourable place. There
was a short period, indeed, when his name and services
stood second to none on the list of gallant seamen with
which the present navy of the republic commenced its
brilliant career. Those whose memories extend so far
back as the commencement of the century, and who are
familiar with naval events, will readily recall how often
they were required to listen to his successes and his
deeds.

The family of John Shaw was of English origin.
In 1690, however, his grandfather, an officer in the com
missariat of King William's army, passed into Ireland,
on service, where he appears to have married and es
tablished himself. The son, who was the father of our
subject, served as an officer in the fourth regiment of
heavy horse, on the Irish establishment. He was
actively and creditably employed with his regiment in
the war of '56, serving no less than four years in Ger
many. During this time he was present at several
battles, including that of Minden. In 1763, this gen
tleman returned to Ireland, shortly after marrying Eliza-

123

124 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

beth Barton, of Kilkenna. In 1779, he quitted the
army altogether, retiring to a farm. The family of
Barton, like that of Shaw, was also English, and had
come into Ireland with the army with which Cromwell
invaded that country, in 1649.

John Shaw was born at Mt. Mellick, Gtueen's
county, Ireland, in the year 1773, or while his father
was still in the army. There were several older chil
dren, and the family becoming numerous, his studies
were necessarily limited to such an education as could
be obtained at a country school, of the ordinary character.
The means of providing for so many children early oc
cupied the father's thoughts, and, at the proper time,
the matter was laid fairly before two of the older sons,
for their own consideration. One of these sons was
John. This occurred in 1790, when the lad was in his
seventeenth year. The father recommended America,
as the most promising theatre for their future exertions ;
and the advice agreeing with the inclinations of the
youths, John and an elder brother sailed' for New York,
which port they reached in December of the same year.
After remaining a short time in New York, the subject
of our sketch proceeded to Philadelphia, then the politi
cal capital and largest town of the infant republic. Here
he delivered various letters of introduction, and, after
looking about him a little, he determined to push his
fortunes on the ocean, of which he had a taste in the
passage out.

In March, 1791, young Shaw sailed for the East In
dies, being then nearly eighteen years of age. The
destination of the ship was, in truth, China, all those
distant seas going, in the parlance of seamen, under the

JOHN SHAW. 125

general name of the Indies. The first voyage appears
to have produced no event of any particular interest.
It served, however, to make the youth familiar with his
new profession, and to open the way to preferment. In
the intervals between his voyages to Canton, of which
he seems to have made four in the next six years, he
was occupied in improving himself, and in serving in
counting-houses as a clerk. On the second voyage, the
ship he was in, the Sampson, was attacked by a num
ber of Malay prows, during a calm. This occurred in
the Straits of Banca, and in the night. The attack ap
pears to have been vigorous and the situation of the
vessel critical. Notwithstanding, she kept up so brisk
a fire from six four-pounders, as to compel several of
her assailants to haul off, to repair their damages. A
breeze coming, the Sampson was brought under com
mand, and soon cleared herself from her enemies, who
ran for the island of Borneo. This was the first occa
sion on which Shaw met with real service.

While on shore, young Shaw had joined that well-
known body of irregular volunteers, known as the Mac-
pherson Blues. This corps, when its size is considered,
was probably the most remarkable, as regards efficiency,
discipline, appearance, and the characters of its members,
that ever existed in the country. Several hundreds of
the most respectable young men of Philadelphia were
in its ranks, and many of the more distinguished citizens
did not disdain its service. It volunteered, in 1794. to
march against the insurgents in western Pennsylvania,
young Shaw shouldering his kit and his musket with
the rest. The troops did not return to Philadelphia
11*

126 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

until the close of the year, having marched early in
the autumn.*

In the third of his voyages to Canton, young Shaw
was the third officer of the ship, and the fourth he made
ns her first officer. This was quick preferment, and
furnishes proof in itself that his employers had reason
to be satisfied with his application and character.

Four voyages to China gave our young sailor so much
professional knowledge and reputation as to procure him
a vessel. Near the close of the year 1797, he sailed
for the West Indies, as master of a brig, returning to
Baltimore the succeeding May. This was at a moment
when the American trade was greatly depredated on by

* An anecdote is related of one of the " citizen soldiers" in this
expedition which is worthy of being recorded. The person re
ferred to was a German by birth, of the name of Koch, and was
well known in Philadelphia, in his day, as a large out-door under
writer. He died some ten or twelve years since, in Paris, whiiher
he had gone for the benefit of the climate, leaving a fortune esti
mated at $1,200,000. Mr. Koch, like young Shaw, was a private
in the M acpherson Blues. It fell to his lot one night to be sta
tioned sentinel over a baggage-wagon. The weather was cold,
raw, stormy, and wet. This set the sentinel musing. After re
maining on post half an hour, he was heard calling lustily, " Cor
poral of ter guartz — Corporal of ter guartz." The corporal came,
and inquired what was wanting. Koch wished to be relieved
for a few minutes, having something to say to Macpherson. He
was gratified, and in a few minutes he stood in the presence of the
general, "Well, Mr. Koch, what is your pleasure?" asked Mac-
pherson. " Why, yeneral, I wish to know what may be ter value
of dat d — d wagon over which I am shentinel !" " How the d — 1
should I know, Koch?" "Well, sornet'ing approximative — not
to be barticular." " A thousand dollars, perhaps." " Very well,
Yeneral Macpherson, I write a sheck for ter money, and ten 1
will go to bets."

JOHN SHAW. 127

the French privateers, and Mr. Shaw had much reason
to complain of the treatment he received at their hands.
The Spring of 1798, or the moment of his return to
this country, was precisely that when the armaments
against France were in progress, and Mr. Shaw felt
strongly disposed, on more accounts than one, to take
service in the infant navy. Dale sailed in the
Ganges, the first vessel out, on the 22d of May, the
very month when the brig of Mr. Shaw reached Balti
more.

Soon after this important event, an application was
made to the Navy Department in behalf of Mr. Shaw,
and being sustained by the late Gen. Samuel Smith,
and other men of influence in Baltimore, he was com
missioned as a lieutenant. Mr. Shaw's place on the
list must have been about the thirtieth, though promo
tions soon raised him much nearer to the top. Rodgers,
Preble, James Barron, Bainbridge, Stewart, Hull, and
Sterret were all above him; while he ranked above
Chauncy, John Smith, Somers, Decatur, &c. At this
time, Mr. Shaw was five and twenty years of age.

Soon after receiving his appointment, our subject was
ordered to join the Montezuma 20, Capt. Alexander
Murray ; a ship bought into the service, as one of the
hasty equipments of the period. From the date of his
commission, there is not much doubt that Mr. Shaw was
the senior lieutenant of this vessel ; at all events, if he
did not hold this rank on joining her, he obtained it be
fore she had been long in service.

The Montezuma did not get to sea until November,
1798, when she proceeded to the West Indies, the
Norfolk 18, Capt. Williams, and Retaliation 12, Lieut.

128 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

Com. Bainbridge, sailing in company. While cruising
off Guadaloupe, the same month, the Americans were
chased by two French frigates, le Volontaire and 1'In-
surgente. The Retaliation was captured, and the ship
and brig ^escaped only by the address of Lieut. Com.
Bainbridge, who induced the French commander to
recall Tlnsurgente by signal, by exaggerating the force
of the two Americans. The Montezuma remained in
the West Indies, convoying and cruising, until October,
1799, when she was compelled to come home to get a
new crew, and to refit. This year of active servi.ce in
a vessel of war, added to the seamanship obtained in
his voyages to Canton, made Mr. Shaw a good officer ;
Capt. Murray having come out of the war of the Revo
lution, though only a lieutenant in rank, with the repu
tation of being one of the most active and best man-of-
war's men of the service.

Our young Irishman had no reason to complain of
his luck in the country of his adoption. He had now
been at sea but nine years, and in America the same
time, when he found himself fairly enlisted in an
honorable service, and in the possession of very re
spectable rank. His good fortune, however, did not
stop here. During the late cruise, Mr. Shaw had won
the respect and regard of his commander, who was a
gentleman of highly respectable family, and who pos
sessed considerable naval influence in particular, being
allied to the Nicholsons, and other families of mark.
Through the warm recommendations of Capt. Murray,
Mr. Shaw was appointed to a separate command, and
was at once placed in the way of carving out a name
for himself.

JOHN SHAW. 129

The vessel to which Lieut. Com. Shaw was appoint
ed was built on the Eastern Shore of Maryland, and
was a schooner that was pierced for twelve long sixes,
a species of gun that preceded the use of the light car-
ronade. She was called the Enterprise, and subse
quently became celebrated in the service, for her extra
ordinary good fortune and many captures. A few years
later, Porter had her lengthened at Venice, and pierced
for two more guns, and in the end she was converted
into a brig, terminating her career, under the late Capt.
Galligher, by shipwreck, in the West Indies. In the
course of her service, the Enterprise fought nine or ten
actions, in all of which she was either completely suc
cessful, or came off with credit. It was her officers
and men, too, in a great measure, that carried the Phila
delphia, in the harbor of Tripoli, and Decatur's own
boat was manned from her, in the desperate hand-to-
hand conflict that occurred under the rocks before that
town. In one sense, she was more useful than any
other craft that ever sailed under the flag.

Lieut. Com. Shaw got to sea in the Enterprise, with
a crew of seventy-six men on board, in December, 1799.
He proceeded to the Windward Island station. In
February, 1800, on his return from Cura^oa, off the
east end of Porto Rico, Shaw fell in with the Constella
tion 38, Com. Truxtun, thirty-six hours after her warm
engagement with le Vengeance, a ship of larger size,
heavier, and more guns, and a stronger crew. The
Constellation, as is well known, had been partly dis
masted in the battle, and was now making the best of
her way to Jamaica. Com. Truxtun sent the Enter
prise to Philadelphia with despatches, where she arrived

130 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

fifteen days later, having experienced heavy gales on
the coast.

Lieut. Com. Shaw left the Delaware again, in March,
having orders to proceed off Cape Francois with de
spatches for Com. Talbot. Having delivered his de
spatches, he proceeded on to join Com. Truxtun at Ja
maica. Off the eastern end of the island, however, he fell
in with an English sloop of war, and ascertained that the
Constellation had sailed for home, when he immediately
hauled up for St. Kitts, the rendezvous of the Wind
ward squadron. While off the Mona Passage, working
up towards her station, the Enterprise saw a large brig
to the southward and eastward, to which she gave chase
with the American ensign flying. Gaining on the chase,
the latter showed Spanish colors, and opened a fire on
the schooner, when about a mile distant. Lieut. Com.
Shaw stood on, keeping his luff until he had got well
on the brig's quarter, when, determined not to be fired
at without resenting it, he poured in a broadside upon
the Spaniard. A sharp conflict ensued, the brig mount
ing eighteen guns, and having heavier metal than her
antagonist. After exchanging their fire for twenty
minutes the vessels separated, without any explana
tions, each being seemingly satisfied of the national
character of the other. This was the first affair of the
gallant little Enterprise, and it might be taken as a
pledge of the spirit with which she was to be sailed and
fought, during the twenty succeeding years. Both
vessels suffered materially in this combat, though little
was said of it, even at the time, and it appears not to
have led to any political dissension. The American
went into St. Thomas to refit.

JOHN SHAW. 131

In the port of St. Thomas there happened to be lying,
at the time, a large French lugger, that mounted twelve
guns, and is said to have had a crew of a hundred souls
on board. The commander of this lugger sent a civil
message to Lieut. Shaw, naming an hour when he
should be pleased to make a trial of strength in the offing.
As soon as this proposal was mentioned to the crew of
the American schooner, it was accepted with three
cheers, and the enemy was duly apprised of the fact.

At the time named in the challenge, Lieut. Shaw got
under way, and stood into the offing. Here he hove-to,
waiting for his antagonist to come out. Observing that
the lugger did not lift her anchor, he fired a shot in the
direction of the harbour. This signal was repeated
several times, during the remainder of the day, without
producing any effect. After dark, the Enterprise bore
up, and ran down to leeward of St. Croix, where she
continued cruising for several days ; during which time
she captured a small letter-of-marque, and carried her
into St. Kitts.

After filling up his water and provisions, Lieut.
Com. Shaw sailed again immediatelyv A day or two
out, or in May, 1800, he fell in with, and brought to
action a French privateer schooner, called la Seine,
armed with four guns, and having a complement of
fifty-four men. The combat was short, but exceedingly
spirited, the Frenchman making a most desperate re
sistance. He did not yield until he had twenty-four
of his crew killed and wounded, and his sails and rig
ging cut to pieces. The Enterprise had a few men
hurt also. The prize was manned and sent into St.
Kitts.

132 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

Two weeks later, the Enterprise being to leeward of
Guadaloupe, chased and engaged another privateer
called la Citoyenne, carrying six guns, and manned
with fifty-seven men. Like la Seine, la Citoyenne
held out and fought to the last, refusing to strike so
long as a hope of escape remained. When she struck,
it was ascertained that she had lost four men killed,
beside having eleven men wounded. Capt. Shaw al
ways spoke of the obstinacy of the resistance made by
these two gallant Frenchmen with great respect. In
the two affairs, the Enterprise had a marine killed and
seven men wounded. La Citoyenne was also manned
and sent into St. Kitts.

The Enterprise next went off Porto Rico. Here
Lieut. Com. Shaw heard that two American mariners
were sentenced to death for having killed two French
men in an attempt to recapture their vessel. These
seamen had been twice taken to the place of execution
and reprieved, suffering, in addition to this cruel trifling,
much in the way of ordinary treatment. In the strug
gle in which the Frenchmen fell, they had actually
succeeded, but were recaptured before they could reach
a port. Shortly after the Enterprise went into St. Kitts,
when Lieut. Shaw made known the situation of these
captives to the American agent for prisoners, and an
abortive attempt was made to obtain their release. The
affair was not finally disposed of, however, before the
Enterprise sailed on another cruise.

Lieut. Com. Shaw now passed between Antigua and
Desirade, where he made a large three-masted French
lugger, which he immediately recognised as the vessel
that had sent him the challenge at St. Thomas. The

JOHN SHAW. 133

Enterprise closed in expectation of an engagement, but,
after exchanging a few shot, the lugger hauled down
her colors. This vessel proved to be the same as that
which had sent the challenge, and from the feebleness
of her resistance, in connection with the other circum
stances, we are left to suppose some artifice led to her
defiance. On board the prize were several officers of
the French army, one of whom proved to be of the rank
of a major-general. The Enterprise went into St. Kitts
with the lugger, and no sooner did she arrive than
Lieut. Com. Shaw put the general and a captain in
close confinement, as hostages for the security of the
two condemned Americans. Care was taken to let this
fact be known at Guadaloupe, and it had its influence.

In the mean time, Com. Truxtun arrived on the
station, and he supported Mr. Shaw in what he had
done. Matters now looked so serious that the general
asked permission to be sent, on his parole, to Guada
loupe, to arrange the difficulty in person. His request
was granted, and, within the month, he returned,
bringing back the liberated Americans in his company.
Mr. Shaw's spirit and decision obtained for him much
credit with the authorities of the period, and were
doubtless the means of saving two brave men much ad
ditional suffering, if not from ignominious deaths.

While the affair of the condemned mariners was in
progress, Lieut. Com. Shaw did not keep his schooner
idle in port. She had now become a favorite little
cruiser, and was seldom at anchor longer than was ne
cessary to repair damages, or taken in supplies. In
June she was cruising to leeward of Guadaloupe, when
she fell in with another privateer called P Aigle ; a very

VOL. i. 12

134 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

fast and destructive cruiser, of nearly the Enterprise's
force, as she carried ten guns, and had seventy-eight
men on board. L'Aigle had cut up both the English
and American trade very extensively, nor had her com
mander any objections to engage, although the Enter
prise was so handled as to leave her no choice. The
vessels crossed each other on opposite tacks, the Ameri
can to leeward, but close aboard her enemy. Each
delivered her broadside in passing, with considerable
effect. The helm of the Enterprise was put down in the
smoke, and she shot rapidly up into the wind, tacking
directly athwart the Frenchman's wake. This was
done so quickly as to enable the American to discharge
four of her six guns fairly into the enemy's stern, rak
ing her with great effect. The enemy was now evi
dently in confusion, and his schooner coming round,
Mr. Shaw laid the enemy aboard to windward, firing
but one more gun ; or eleven in all. The Americans
met with no resistance, finding the crew of 1'Aigle
below. At first this circumstance excited surprise, the
French commander having one of the greatest reputa
tions of any private ersrnan in the West Indies, and
being known to be as resolute as he was skillful.

On examining the state of the prize, however, it was
ascertained that a round shot had struck the French
commander on the upper part of his forehead, tearing
away the scalp, and he lay for dead, on deck. He re
covered his senses in the end, and survived the injury.
Another shot had passed directly through the breast of
the first lieutenant. Nor was the fate of the second
lieutenant much better than that of his commander. A
shot had also grazed his head, carrying away a part of

JOHN SHAW. 135

one ear, and much of the skin, throwing him on the
deck senseless. It was owing to these singular casual
ties that the men, finding themselves without leaders,
deserted their quarters when the Americans boarded.

L'Aigle had three men killed and nine wounded, in
this short affair. Three of the Enterprise's peopJe
were wounded, but no one was slain. The prize was
sent in, as usual, and Mr. Shaw immediately prepared
for farther service.

In July, this gallant little schooner, then cruising to
leeward of Dominico, fell in with le Flambeau, another
privateer of note in those seas. This vessel, a brig,
was every way superior to the Enterprise, mounting
the same number of guns, it is true, but of heavier
metal, and having a crew on board of one hundred and
ten souls. She had also a reputation for sailing and
working well, and was commanded by a brave and ex
perienced seaman.

The Flambeau was seen by the Americans over
night, but could not close. Next morning, she was
discovered sweeping toward them in a calm. Lieut.
Com. Shaw allowed her to approach, until the sea
breeze struck his schooner, when he immediately set
every thing, and crowded sail in chase. The brig
spread all her canvas, and both vessels went off free,
for some time, with studding-sails set. The Flambeau
was apparently disposed to observe before she permitted
the Enterprise to come any nearer. While running, in
this manner, at a rapid rate, through the water, the
Frenchman, who was then carrying studding-sails on
both sides, suddenly hauled up close on a wind, board
ing his starboard tack. The Enterprise did the same,

136

NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

hauling up nearly in her wake. In this manner the
chase continued, the Enterprise gaining, until the ves
sels got within range of musketry, when the Flambeau
opened a heavy fire with that species of arms. The
Enterprise returned the fire in the same manner, until
close aboard of her enemy, when Lieut. Com. Shaw
edged a little off, shortened sail, and received a broad
side. This discharge was immediately returned, and a
spirited fire was kept up for about twenty minutes.
Finding himself getting the worst of the combat, the
Frenchman hauled all his sheets flat aft, luffed, and
tacked. The Enterprise endeavoured to imitate this
manoeuvre, but unluckily she missed stays. There re
mained no other expedient for Lieut. Com. Shaw but
to trim every thing that would draw, get round as fast
as he could, and endeavour to get alongside of his
enemy by his superiority of sailing. This was done,
and the firing re-commenced. The foretopmast of le
Flambeau had been badly wounded, and men were
seen aloft endeavouring to secure it, when, a flaw of
wind striking the brig, the spar came down, carrying
six men with it overboard. As the Flambeau was run
ning away from the spot where the accident happened,
and the Enterprise was fast coming up to it, the latter
lowered a boat, and saved all the Frenchmen. A few
minutes later, she ranged close alongside her enemy,
when le Flambeau struck.* The action lasted forty
minutes, and had been hotly contested on both sides.

* This account of the combat between the Enterprise and le
Flambeau differs, in several particulars, from that given by the
writer in his History of the Navy of the United States. The ac
count in the latter work was written from the statements of an

JOHN SHAW. 137

Le Flambeau had forty men killed and wounded, and
the Enterprise eight or ten. The Frenchman was
hulled repeatedly, and among other accidents that befel
him, a shot passed through his medicine chest, while
the surgeon was busy operating on the hurt. The
prize was carried to St. Kitts, and, in the end, all the
proceeds were adjudged to the officers and people of
the Enterprise, as having captured a vessel of superior
force. In the engagement, the Enterprise mustered
eighty-three souls, all told.

This was one of the warmest actions of the war of
1798. It added largely to the reputation of the schooner
and her gallant commander, the services of both having
been unusually brilliant for the force employed. Active
as our subject had been, he was not content to remain
idle, however, going to sea again as soon as he had re
paired damages.

In August, Lieut. Shaw, cruising in the Antigua
passage, fell in with another French privateer, in the
night. The Frenchman endeavoured to escape, but,
after a chase of five hours, the Enterprise got him fairly
under her guns, when he struck. This vessel proved
to be la Pauline, of six guns and forty men. The
French consul at Porto Rico was a passenger in this
vessel. La Pauline was sent into St. Kitts, like all her
predecessors.

In September, still cruising in the Antigua passage,
Lieut. Shaw captured, after firing a few guns, a letter-
of-marque, called le Guadaloupeenne, a vessel of seven

officer of the Enterprise, who admitted that he trusted altogether
to memory. The present account is taken from memoranda made
by Captain Shaw himself, and is doubtless correct.
12*

138 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

guns and forty-five men. On board the prize was
found the same general officer who had been taken in
the three-masted lugger and exchanged, and who now
became a prisoner, the second time, to Lieut. Com.
Shaw, in the same season.

How much longer this success and activity would
have continued, it is hard to say ; but, by this time,
the health of Mr. Shaw was suffering severely through
the influence of the climate, and, induced to follow the
advice of his medical attendants, he asked to be relieved.
The malady was a continued diarrhrea, and was not to
be neglected in that latitude. Highly as the activity
of Mr. Shaw was appreciated, he was ordered to trans
fer the command of the Enterprise to Lieut. Sterret,
late of the Constellation, and permitted to sail for the
United States in the Petapsco sloop of war, where he
arrived late in November. Lieut. Shaw did not reach
Washington until early in January, 1801, where he
was personally thanked by the President for his ser
vices. The Secretary also paid him a similar com
pliment. He was promised promotion, and actually
received verbal orders to prepare to go to Boston, where
he was to assume the charge of the Berceau, a prize
corvette of twenty-six guns, which was a post-captain's
command. This arrangement, however, was defeated
by the progress of the negotiations, and a treaty of
peace was ratified by the Senate the following month.

In March, 1801, Mr. Jefferson's administration com
menced, and the peace establishment law, which had
been passed under the government of his predecessor
in office, was now carried into effect. The Berceau
was restored to the French by the conditions of the

JOHN SHAW. 139

treaty, and, so far from promoting any of inferior rank,
there existed the necessity of disbanding the greater
portion of the gentlemen already on the list of captains.
Of more than thirty captains and commanders then in
service, but nine of the former rank were to be retained.
The law, however, directed that thirty-six lieutenants
were to continue on the list. This was a reduction of
nearly three-fourths, arid it became a serious question
who was, and who was not, to be disbanded.

Under ordinary circumstances, there is little question
that Mr. Shaw, a native of a foreign country, and with
out political support, with less than twelve years' resi
dence, and not yet three years' service in the navy,
would have been among those who would be compelled
to retire. But the cruise of the Enterprise had been
far too brilliant to suffer this injustice. In six months
that schooner had captured eight privateers and letters-
of-marque, and fought five spirited actions ; two of which
were with vessels of superior force. In four of these
actions she had actually captured her antagonists, and
in that in which the combatants separated as not being
lawfully belligerents as respects each other, she had
nobly sustained the honor of the flag. It was impossi
ble to overlook such services, and Mr. Shaw was re
tained in his proper rank. His name appears as fourth
on the list of lieutenants, under the peace establishment
law, leaving Stewart, Hull,*and Sterret above him.

In the spring of 1801, the government sent the
George Washington 28, armed en flute., into the Medi
terranean, with the tribute for Algiers. To this vessel
Lieut. Com. Shaw was appointed, as honorable a com
mand as could be connected with such duty. After

140 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

j

delivering the stores, the ship remained out, convoying
and looking after the interests of the American trade,
until the following year, when she returned to America.
The whole service occupied about a twelve-month ; the
usual extent of a cruise in that day, when crews were
shipped for only a year. On her return home,- the
George Washington, which had been an Indiaman
bought into the navy, was sold and returned to her
original occupation.

By the new law Mr. Shaw was now put on lieu
tenant's half-pay, which, at that period of the history
of the navy, was only twenty dollars a month. Neces
sity compelled him to ask for a furlough, on receiving
which he made a voyage, as master, to Canton, touching
at the Isle of France. On this voyage he was absent about
eighteen months, returning to the United States in Sep
tember, 1804. Previously to this, Mr. Shaw had married
a lady of Philadelphia, of the name of Palmer. Eliza
beth Palmer was of a family of Friends, but attachment
to the subject of our biography induced her to break
the rigid laws of her sect, and, of course, submit to
being rejected by her church. It was this marriage,
and the birth of one or two children, that compelled Mr.
Shaw to seek service in the Indiaman just mentioned.

During his absence on the India voyage, or May 22d,
1804, the rank of master commandants was restored to
the navy, by the promotion of the eight oldest lieu
tenants. Of course, Capt. Shaw became the fourth officer
of that rank then in service. This was at the moment
when Preble was carrying on his brilliant operations
before Tripoli, and the subject of gunboats was much
discussed in the naval circles. Early in January, 1805,

JOHN SHAW. 141,

Capt. Shaw addressed a letter to the Secretary, offering
to carry a flotilla of these craft into the Mediterranean.
His idea was to build them in time to sail in March,
expecting to be able to reach the point of operations in
the succeeding May. To this offer, Capt. Shaw an
nexed a request that the commodore on the station should
be instructed to give him the command of the gunboats
he should succeed in navigating in front of the enemy's
port. The arrival of Com. Preble, in this country, in
duced the government to construct the boats, but Capt.
Shaw, himself, was appointed to the command of the
John Adams 28, and in May he sailed for the Mediter
ranean, having three of the gunboats in company. On
their arrival on the station, it was found that peace had
been made, and shortly after the John Adams returned
home. The ship was now laid up in ordinary at Wash
ington, at which port she had arrived in December, after
a cruise of seven months.

Capt. Shaw received orders to repair to New Orleans
in January, 1806, or the month after his return home,
with directions to construct a flotilla of gunboats, for the
service of those waters. This was the commencement
of the great gunboat system in the country, those
already in use having been built for special service
abroad. The following winter he was made acquainted
with the existence of the plot of Burr. This compelled
him to use extraordinary exertions to equip a force equal
to commanding the river, under circumstances of this
nature. Early in February, he appeared off Natchez,
with a flotilla mounting sixty-one guns, and manned
with four hundred and forty-eight seamen and soldiers.
The two ketches. ^rEtna and Vesuvius, had joined him

142 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

in the river, composing more than a third of this force.
The services of Capt. Shaw, on this occasion, met with
the approbation of the government.

After the dispersion of Burr's force, Capt. Shaw was
ordered to Washington, and was sent to Richmond, as a
witness on the trial of the accused. At the close of the
year 1807, he was commanded to sit on the court which
tried Com. Barren for the affair of the Chesapeake,
having been promoted to the rank of post-captain the
. 27th August, previously.

After the court rose, Capt. Shaw received Orders, of
the date of May, 1808, to take charge of the navy yard
at Norfolk. On this station he continued until August,
1810, when he was commanded to proceed, once more,
to New Orleans. On this occasion, he repaired to his
station by land.. On reaching Natchez, he met Gover
nor Claiborne, who had been directed to seize Baton
Rouge. A flotilla of gunboats had been lying off
Natchez some time, and taking command of it, Capt.
Shaw covered the debarkation of the troops that effected
this piece of service.

During the year 1811, Capt. Shaw was principally
engaged in making preparations to defend New Orleans,
in the event of a war with Great Britain. He examined
all the approaches to the place, though the storm blew
over, and little was done by the government towards
effecting this important object. These labors, however,
were of service, when the war so suddenly and unex
pectedly broke out, the following year. As the enemy
paid no great attention to this part of the country until
late in the war, Capt. Shaw had little other duty to per
form, while he remained on this station, than to make

JOHN SHAW. 143

such preparations as his means and orders allowed.
Among other things, he commenced the construction of
a heavy block ship, that subsequently was used in the
defence of the place. In 1813, Gen. Wilkinson seized
Mobile, Capt. Shaw commanding the maritime part of
the expedition. On this duty the latter was employed
about three months, having a strong division of gun
boats and light cruisers under his orders. On this oc
casion, the navy transported the guns and stores to the
point, where the troops erected the work subsequently
rendered distinguished by the repulse of a British attack
by water. The communication with New Orleans, by
sea, was also kept up by means of the flotilla. On his
return to New Orleans, Capt. Shaw was much engaged
in procuring cannon, ammunition and gun-carriages, for
the defence of that important place. To obtain the
latter, a quantity of mahogany was purchased, and on
this material about forty heavy guns were mounted.
These guns were subsequently used by the army that
repulsed the enemy in 1815.

In the spring of 1814, Capt. Shaw left the station
and repaired to Washington, at which place he arrived
early in May. After settling his accounts, he obtained
a short leave of absence to visit his friends. After dis
charging this domestic duty, he proceeded on to Con
necticut, and took command of the squadron lying in
the Thames, between New London and Norwich. This
force consisted of the United States 44, Macedonian 38,
and Hornet 18. As these ships were vigilantly block
aded by the enemy, the Hornet alone was enabled to
get out. She effected her escape under Capt. Biddle,
and subsequently captured the Penguin 18, but the

144 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

two frigates were kept in the river until peace ; or
March, 1815.

As soon as the war terminated, the United States
proceeded to Boston under Capt. Shaw, with orders to
prepare for a cruise in the Mediterranean. In Sep
tember of the same year she joined the squadron under
Bainbridge, at Malaga. Peace with Algiers, however,
had been made by Decatur, and, there being no neces
sity for retaining the large force that was out in that
distant sea, Com. Bainbridge came home, leaving the
station in command of Capt. Shaw, the next senior to
himself in the Mediterranean. The force left with
Com. Shaw consisted of his own ship, the United States
44, Constellation 38, Capt. Crane, Ontario 18, Capt.
Elliot, and Erie 18, Capt. Ridgely. The Java 44, Capt.
Perry, joined him soon after.

Com. Shaw retained this command until the follow
ing year, cruising and visiting the different ports of that
sea, when he was relieved by Com. Chauncy, in the
Washington 74. Capt. Shaw continued out, however,
until November, 1817, when he exchanged for the
Constellation, and came home, that ship requiring
repairs. The Constellation anchored in Hampton
Roads, December 26, 1817, making the cruise of her
commander extend to about twenty-eight months. Com.
Shaw got leave to visit his family in Philadelphia, from
which he had now been separated, on service, nearly
five years.

Com. Shaw never went to sea again, in command.
He was shortly after put in charge of the Boston navy
yard, where he remained the usual time. When re
lieved, he was placed in command at Charleston, S.

JOHN SHAW. 145

Carolina, a station rather of honor, however, than of
active duty. September 17, 1823, he died at Philadel
phia, where he had been taken ill ; the place that he
considered his home, and where he had first established
himself on his arrival in the country, thirty-three years
before. As Com. Shaw was born in 1773, he was just
fifty when he died.

Com. Shaw was twice married. His first wife was
Elizabeth Palmer, the Quakeress already mentioned.
By this lady he had several children, all of whom, but
two daughters, died young. Of the^se two daughters,
Elizabeth, the eldest, married Francis H. Gregory, Es
quire, of Connecticut, a captain in the navy, and now
in command of the Raritan 44; and Virginia, the
youngest, is the wife of Win. H. Lynch, Esquire, of
Virginia, a lieutenant in the navy of fifteen years'
standing, and late commander of the steamer Poinsett.
By Mrs. Gregory, there are seven grandchildren, the
descendants of Com. Shaw ; and by Mrs. Lynch, two.
The second wife of Com. Shaw was a Miss Breed, of
Charlestown, Massachusetts, and of the family that gave
its name to the celebrated hill, on which the renowned
battle was fought, in June, 1775. By this lady, who
still survives, there was no issue.

Com. Shaw was a man of great probity and sincerity
of character. As a seaman, he was active, decided,
and ready. No man was braver, or more willing to
serve the flag under which he sailed. As has been
said, the cruise of the Enterprise, in 1800, if not posi
tively the most useful, and, considering the force and
means employed, the most brilliant, of any that ever
occurred in the American navy, it was certainly among

VOL. i. 18

146 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

the most useful and brilliant. Of itself, it was sufficient
to give a commander an established reputation. His
other services were of a respectable order, though cir
cumstances never placed him subsequently in situations
to manifest the same qualities.

Com. Shaw was a man of fine presence, and had the
manly bearing and frank demeanor of a seaman. His
character answered to his exterior. There was a warm
heartedness in his demeanor toward his friends, that de
noted good feelings. Few officers were more beloved
by those who served under him, and he was disposed
to deal honorably and justly by all mankind.

JOHN TEMPLER SHUBRICK. 147

JOHN TEMPLER SHUBRICK.

THE subject of our sketch is the eldest of four brothers
who have served with credit and reputation in the navy,
since the commencement of the present century. Of
these brothers, John, the oldest, never rose higher in
rank than to be a lieutenant commandant ; William
Branford, the second in seniority, is the present Com
modore Shubrick ; Edward Rutledge, the third, died
quite recently, a captain, on his passage between the
Brazil and the Mediterranean stations, in command of
the Columbia 44 ; while Irvine, the fourth and young
est, is a commander of the promotion of 1841. It is
seldom, indeed, that so many members of a single
family are found in the same profession, serving equally
with credit to themselves, and advantage to their
country.

The family of Shubrick belongs to South Carolina, in
which state it has long been connected with many of
the most distinguished names. We have only to men
tion those of Drayton, Hayne, Heyward, Hamilton,
Pinckney, Horry, Trapier, &c., &c., to show the cha
racter of its connections.

Col. Thomas Shubrick, the father of the four sons
just mentioned, was an officer of the Revolution, hav
ing served with distinction in the aimy of Gen. Greene

143 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

during the celebrated southern campaign. He was
with the latter, in the capacity of an aid, at the battle
of Eutaw Springs. This gentleman was born late in
1755, and was consequently quite young at the com
mencement of the great struggle for national indepen
dence. He was the seventh child, and the third son
of Thomas Shubrick and Sarah Motte, both of Charles
ton ; the latter being of the connection of that noble
woman who furnished Lee with the implements to set
fire to her own house, in order to subdue a British gar
rison. Col. Thomas Shubrick, the father of our sub
ject, married a Miss Branford, in 1778. Her mother
was a Bullein, one of the variations of the name of
Boleyn. John was the seventh child and the fifth
son of this marriage, having been born on Bull's Island,
a valuable estate that belonged to Col. Shubrick, on the
12th September, 1788. His father died at another
estate called Belvedere, March 4th, 1810; his mother
survived until August, 1832.

Young Shubrick was taught in the schools of
Charleston, in the manner usual to boys of his class in
life, until the year 1801, when he was sent to the care
of the Rev. Thomas Thacher, of Dedham, Massachu
setts, accompanied by his elder brother, Richard. The
succeeding year, they were joined by their next young
er brother, William, the present Commodore Shubrick.
Under the instruction of this truly kind and excellent
guide and friend, he remained until the spring of 1804,
when he returned to Charleston, and commenced the
study of the law, in the office of his kinsman, Col.
Drayton, so well known to the country for his probity
and public services. During the time young Shubrick

JOHN TEMPLER SHUBRICK. 149

remained occupied in this pursuit, his progress created
the most sanguine hopes of his future success, though
his disposition strongly tempted him to engage in more
active and stirring scenes than those likely to attend
the career of a barrister. By the persuasion of friends,
however, as well as a sense of duty, the young man
persevered for two years, when his father yielded to the
wishes of two of his sons, and procured for them mid
shipmen's appointments. The warrants of the two
Shubricks were of the same date, August 19th, 1806,
though there were more than two years' difference in
their ages. This placed John, the elder of the two,
and the subject of our sketch, in the navy when he was
little more than eighteen years old. With many minds
and temperaments, this would have been commencing
the profession somewhat too late, perhaps, though the
education previously obtained was of great advantage
to one so much disposed to acquire all useful know
ledge as this youth. By some mistake of the Depart
ment, the warrants were ante-dated, appearing as if
issued June 20th. The circumstance was of little
moment, nor do we know that it had any influence on
the subsequent promotions of either of the young
gentlemen interested.

From the very commencement of his service, John
Shubrick's career was marked by that species of fortune
that seemed ever to lead him where hard knocks were
to be given and taken. So marked, indeed, was his
career in this respect, that, in the end, it began to be
thought, that his luck would give any ship a chance
for a fight on board which he might happen to serve.
The first vessel to which the young man was attached
13*

150 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

was the Chesapeake 86, Capt. Gordon, which vessel he
joined at Washington, while fitting for the Mediter
ranean station, to carry the broad pennant of Commo
dore James Barren. In this ship he dropped down to
Norfolk, remained there until she sailed, and was in
her at the time of the memorable attack that was made
on her by the Leopard 50, Capt. Humphreys. In this
affair, those on board the Chesapeake were probably
more exposed than had they been in a regular engage
ment in which both parties were prepared, and con
tended under equal advantages.

On the occasion of his first hearing a shot fired in
anger, Shubrick was one of the midshipmen in the
division of Lieut. Wm. H. Allen, he who was so long
Decatur's first lieutenant, and who was subsequently
killed in command of the Argus. Allen was third lieu
tenant of the Chesapeake, a rank that gave him the
midship division on the gun-deck, a berth that is usually
called the slaughter-house, from the circumstance that
the fire is 'generally concentrated on the centre of the
ship. The division was particularly lumbered, but great
activity was manifested in clearing it. It is generally
known that the Chesapeake could not discharge her guns
for want of powder-horns to prime them with, as well
as the want of matches, or heated loggerheads. But for
this unprepared condition of the ship, one broadside
might have been fired, though it is probable a second
could not. As it was, the only gun discharged was in
the division to which Mr. Shubrick belonged. Two
powder-horns were received from below, after the Leo
pard had opened some time, when three of the guns
were primed, being otherwise ready. Mr. Allen him-

JOHN TEMPLER S H U B R I C K. 151

self got a loggerhead from the galley, and applied it to
the priming of one of these guns, but it was not yet
warm enough to cause the powder to explode. He then
ran to the galley, procured a coal, and with that he suc
ceeded in discharging one gun. It is doubtful whether
this was before or after the order had been given to haul
down the colors, the two things occurring almost at the
same instant. Allen and his officers were about to dis
charge the other two guns, when an order was issued
to fire no more. The officers worked as well as the
men, in these critical circumstances ; and the breeching
of one of the guns of the second division was middled
principally by Allen himself, Shubrick, and the present
Commodore Wads worth, who was the senior mid
shipman of the division. But two of the crew appear
to have been at that gun in consequence of the rest being
wounded or absent.* • -^ '

* Mr. Wadsworth, having been a midshipman more than three
years when the Leopard attacked the Chesapeake, was one of the
witnesses examined on the trial of Commodore Barron, which
Shubrick was not, most probably on account of the short time he
had been in service. It will give the reader some idea of the un
prepared state of the ship, in the division whence the only gun was
fired, if we extract some of the questions put to this witness, and
the answers he gave.

Q. "What time elapsed before you received powder-horns?"

A. " About twelve or fifteen minutes, I suppose, from the com
mencement of the attack."

The powder of these horns was the priming, without which the
guns could not be fired.

Q. " Had you cartridges in your division, at any time before
the surrender?"

A. " Not that I knew of."

Q. " Had you matches or loggerheads in your division, at any
time before the surrender?"

152 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

This was a rude encounter for so young an adventurer
to meet, almost in the first hour after he got to sea.
The Chesapeake suffered much less than might have
been expected, when it is remembered that she lay
near a quarter of an hour, and in smooth water, virtually
unresisting, under the broadside of a fifty gun ship.
Still she suffered ; having had no less than between
twenty and thirty of her people killed and wounded.
Of this loss, a fair proportion occurred in the division to
which Shubrick belonged.*

A. "No lighted matches, or hot loggerheads. The gun we
fired was fired by a coal of fire."

Q. "If you had fired the guns, had you every thing necessary
to reload and to continue the fire?"

A. " We had not in the division."

Q. " Were any men killed or wounded in your division ?"

A. " Several were wounded, how many I do not know. None
were killed immediately, but one died a short time afterward."

Q. " State to the court to what guns these wounded men be
longed."

A. " Several of them to this gun, F. I don't recollect the rest."

This was the gun mentioned as that at which the three officers
worked:

* The curious in such matters may have a desire to know the
extent of the damage received by the Chesapeake in this celebrated
affair. The firing lasted from twelve to fifteen minutes, in smooth
water, and without resistance, the one gun fired by Allen ex-
cepted ; viz. :

" In the foresail, four round-shot holes, twelve grape-shot
holes, and the starboard leech (bolt rope) cut away. In the mainsail,
(which must have been in the brails, as the ship was hove-to,) three
round-shot holes, full of grape do., and the footrope cut away."

"Maintop-sail, one round-shot hole; foretop-mast stay-sail
much injured by grape-shot. In the spare foretop-mast, two twelve-
pound shot holes, which have rendered it entirely unfit for service."

" Main-sky-sail-mast cut in two."

" The second cutter much injured by a shot hole, which went

JOHN TEMPLER SHUBRICK. 153

Shubrick remained in the Chesapeake after she was
given to Decatur. Late in 1808, however, he was
transferred to the brig Argus, in which vessel he re
mained, cruising on the coast, under three several com
manders, Capts. Wederstrandt, Evans, and Jones, until
early in 1810. As this was a very active little cruiser,
the time passed in her was of great service to our young
officer, as, indeed, was that under Decatur, in the Chesa
peake. After remaining in the Argus near twenty
months, Shubrick was ordered to join the United States
44, which was just fitted out to carry Decatur's pennant.
He continued but a few months, however, in this fine
frigate, being compelled to quit her in consequence of a
misunderstanding with another officer, which was near
producing a duel. Shubrick gave the challenge, con
ceiving himself the injured party, and all the arrange
ments were made for the meeting, when the affair
reached the ears of the commodore. Decatur sent for
the gentlemen, and demanded a pledge from each that
the affair should go no farther. This pledge Shubrick
refused to give, as the challenger, and Decatur found
himself rather awkwardly placed in his character of a
mediator. It would not do to suffer discipline to be

through and through her, cut both of her masts, and three of her
cars in two. First cutter slightly injured."

" Twenty-two round-shot in her hull, that is to say, twenty-one
on her starboard, and one on her larboard side."

" The fore and main-masts are incapable of being made sea
worthy ; the mizzen mast badly wounded, but not incapable of
being repaired on shore ; three starboard, and two larboard main-
ahrouds, two starboard fore-shrouds, two starboard mizzen-shrouds,
main-top-mast stay, cap, bob-stay, and starboard main-lift cut
away; likewise the middle stay-sail stay.

" Killed, 3; badly wounded, 8; slightly wounded, 10."

154 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY. *

brow-beaten, on the one hand, while his own nature
was opposed to punishing a young officer for having
sensitive feelings on the subject of his honor, even
though those* feelings might be a little exaggerated. In
this dilemma, he decided on ordering young Shubrick
to quit his ship, taking care to send him on board
another vessel of his squadron, with the acting appoint
ment of lieutenant ! There was a slight semblance of
punishment in sending a midshipman from the finest
vessel under his orders, to the smallest and least de
sirable craft he had among his cruisers, but it was a
punishment any midshipman in the service would have
been rejoiced to receive.

The vessel to which Shubrick was now sent was the
Viper, probably the smallest sea-going craft in the navy,
at that time. He joined her at midsummer, 1810, and
it may be remarked in passing, that William Shubrick
was made acting lieutenant in the Wasp, by Lawrence,
about the same time. As John Shubrick was born in
1788, he got this important step in his profession when in
his twenty-second year, and after having been only four
years in the service. This seems extraordinary prefer
ment in days like these, when a young gentleman is
compelled to pass six years as a midshipman before he
can even be examined, and frequently as many more as
a passed midshipman before he gets his lieutenant's
commission. .The service requires an entirely new
arrangement of its grades, as well as the establishment
of some that are new, in order to impart to it fresh life
and hope. About the time of which we are now writ
ing, Commodore Stewart sent a nephew of his, the pre
sent Capt. M'Cauley, late of the Delaware 80, with a

JOHN TEMPLER SHUBRICK. 155

letter of introduction to Decatur, who had just hoisted
his pennant in the United States. Young M'Cauley
had been made a midshipman a short time previously,
and had been ordered to join the frigate. As Decatur
and Stewart were close friends, the former felt the pro
priety of saying a few encouraging words to the kinsman
of the latter, on his introduction to naval life. After a
few general remarks, the commodore added, " Every
thing depends on yourself, young gentleman. You see
my pennant aloft, there ; well, I joined this very ship
myself, only twelve years since, a midshipman, like
yourself, and you see I now carry a broad pennant in
her." All this is very true, but Mr. M'Cauley, when
he related to us this anecdote, had been a lieutenant as
long as Decatur had then been in the navy.*

In addition to the pleasure of receiving this acting
lieutenancy, Shubrick had the satisfaction of being put
under the orders of a townsman, Lieut. Com. Gadsden,
the officer who commanded the Viper. The schooner
cruised along the coast south, touching at Charleston,
and passing into the Gulf of Mexico. At New Orleans,
Lieut. Joseph Bainbridge took charge of the Viper.

* Decatur entered the navy as a midshipman in 1798. He was
made a lieutenant in 1799, and a captain in 1804. The first ship
he commanded was the Constitution, Old Ironsides, which vessel
was turned over to him by Preble, on quitting the Mediterranean
command, September, 1804, or about six years after he entered the
navy. In 1805, he exchanged the Constitution for the Congress
38, with Rodgers, and in 1807, he got the Chesapeake, after the
affair with the Leopard. In 1810, he was transferred to the United
States, which he held until 1814, when he went to the President,
and was captured off New York. In 1815 he got the Guerriere,
and the Mediterranean squadron. This was the last ship he ever
commanded.

156 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

In 1811, Shubrick was transferred to the Siren 16,
Capt. Gordon, one of the medium sized brigs, that had
done so much service before the town of Tripoli. So
attentive had the young man been to his duty, and so
great was his improvement in his profession, that he
was soon intrusted with the duties of the first lieutenant
of this brig. It is true he was not commissioned as a
lieutenant at all, but in that day it was no unusual thing
for a majority of the ward-room officers of even frigates
to be merely acting.

An unpleasant affair occurred while Mr. Shubrick
was doing first lieutenant's duty in this brig. Some
rope was making for the vessel, and Shubrick had
occasion to attend at the walk, with a gang of hands.
The superintendent of the rope-walk was an English
man, and, in the course of the duty, he abused the sea
men and ended by grossly insulting their officer.
Shubrick was armed, but, unwilling to draw his sword
on such an opponent, he caught up a stick and began
to thresh him with it. It seems that the Englishman
carried a pistol, which he leveled at Shubrick's head
and fired. At the moment, the latter had the stick
grasped with both hands, and was in the act of repeating
the blow. His thumbs were crossed, and the ball
injured them so badly that both were amputated. Not
withstanding this outrage, and the fact that the man had
provoked and merited the chastisement he received,
Shubrick refused to proceed against him, saying he
could not take the satisfaction that was customary among
gentlemen, and he would not resort to any other mode
of atonement.

Toward the close of the year 1811, the Siren came

JOHN TEMPLE R SHUBRICK. 157

north, and Shubrick still remained in her. Early in
1812, he received his commission as a lieutenant,
having now been nearly six years in the service, and
having reached his twenty-fourth year.

Lieut. Shubrick was now ordered to join the Consti
tution 44, Capt. Hull, which ship had just returned
from Europe, and was receiving a new crew, together
with many new officers. War was declared a few days
later, and every nerve was strained to get the ship
ready for sea as soon as possible. So hurried were the
epuipments that one hundred of the ship's people joined
her only the night previously to the day on which she
sailed from Annapolis. -The Constitution was, exceed
ingly well officered. For her first lieutenant she had
Charles Morris, now Commodore Morris, one of the
very ablest men the American marine ever possessed.
Even in that day, this gentleman enjoyed a reputation
very unusual for one of his rank ; while, at the present
time, after filling many places of high responsibility, no
officer commands more of the confidence and respect
both of the service and the country. The Constitution
had, for her second lieutenant, Alexander S. Wadsworth,
an officer of great respectability, a brother of the gentle
man who was blown up with Somers in the Intrepid,
and the present Commodore Wadsworth. The third
lieutenant was George Campbell Read, the present
Commodore Read, who has always ranked high in the
service ; the fourth lieutenant was Beekman Verplank
Hoffman, who died a captain a few years since, and
who was thought to be one of the best, if not the very
best division officer in the navy ; the fifth lieutenant
was Shubrick, an'd there was an acting sixth, in Charles

VOL. i. 14

158 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

Morgan, the present Commodore Morgan, who was
then young as an officer, but of very excellent materials.

This was officering a frigate in an unusual manner,
but there were so few ships at the time, it is not sur
prising as many young men crowded in those that did
go out, as could get on board them, or could get per
mission to go. Hull experienced the benefit of possess
ing such a quarter-deck before he had been out long, it
being probable the escape of his ship, a few days later,
was owing to his having so many lieutenants to relieve
each other, and to keep the duty alive.

The Constitution lifted her anchor on the 12th of
July, 1812. On the 17th, she fell in with an English
squadron of five vessels, including one ship of the line
and four frigates. The memorable chase that suc
ceeded will be related in detail elsewhere, though it has
already passed into history, as one of the most brilliant
things of its kind on record. At one time the Consti
tution was so hard pressed as to escape only by kedg-
ing. This was done out of sight of land, and it
occasioned no little surprise among the English when
they' discovered the fact. On the side of the enemy,
the boats of five ships were put upon two, in order to
tow them up, in the calm, and no alternative remained
to the Constitution but the expedient so successfully
adopted.

It will not be difficult ;to fancy the fatigue and trials
of a chase of this character, which lasted altogether
three days and nights. The officers, as soon as re
lieved, threw themselves on the quarter-deck, sleeping
in the best spot they could select, no one thinking of
undressing, or of quitting duty a moment longer than

JOHN TEMPLER SHUBIUCK. 159

was absolutely necessary. Shubrick had his full share
of the work, being employed in the boats as well as in
the ship, as belonged to his rank. In a struggle of
this nature, in which all may be said to have done
well, no particular praise, however, can be accorded to
any individual. Hull himself generously attributed
much of his extraordinary success to Morris and his
other officers, which was probably well deserved,
though Hull himself was a prime seaman, and well
fitted for such a scene.

The Constitution cruised a short time after this
escape, and went into Boston. Bainbridge had claimed
the ship, as due to his rank, and there was a strong
prospect of his getting her, but Hull profited by some
delay and uncertainty, and got to sea again on the 2d
of August. This was the cruise in which the Consti
tution captured the Guerriere. In that engagement^ ,,f
Shubrick, as fifth lieutenant, commanded the quarter
deck guns, and was of course in the midst of the active
scene that occurred in that portion of the ship, when
the Constitution got a stern board and came foul of her
adversary. He escaped without a wound, and had the
gratification of seeing the first British frigate lower her
flag, that struck in that war. He was sent on board the
prize, before she was abandoned, and otherwise was
usefully employed.

Shubrick had now been in the navy but little more
than six years, and he had actually been present at the
three most important events which had then occurred,
since the peace with Tripoli, viz., the attack on the
Chesapeake, the chase of the Constitution, and the
capture of the Guerriere ! But his good fortune did

160 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

not end here. Bainbridge now got the ship, and
Parker succeeded Morris as his first lieutenant. Wads-
worth left her also, going with Morris, who had been
promoted to the Adams, as his first lieutenant. Shu-
brick and Hoffman remained in the frigate, the latter
becoming her second lieutenant, and the former her
third. Alwyn, who had been master in the late en
gagement, was also promoted to a lieutenancy, and
became the junior of the ship.

Bainbridge sailed from Boston on his cruise, October
26th, 1812, having the Hornet 18, Capt. Lawrence, in
company. The Essex was to leave the Delaware about
the same time, and to join the commodore at Port
Praya. This junction was never effected, however,
and the Constitution stood across to the coast of Brazil,
reaching St. Salvador, December 13th. Here the Hor
net was left to blockade an English sloop of war, that
was carrying specie, while the Constitution cruised to
the southward. On the 29th she fell in with and cap
tured the enemy's frigate, the Java, after a bloody com
bat of near two hours' duration ; the particulars of which
are to be found in our sketch of Bainbridge's Life.
After destroying his prize, the commodore went into
Salvador, where he landed his prisoners on parole.

In this battle, Shubrick was stationed on the gun-
deck, where he did his duty, as usual. His customary
good fortune attended him, for he was not injured,
though the loss of the ship was considerable. Alwyn
died of his wounds, and Bainbridge himself was hurt
seriously, though the danger was fortunately subdued.
This made the third of Shubrick's combats, without
speaking of the celebrated chase.

JOHN TEMPLER SHUBRICK. 161

It would seem, now, that Shubrick's luck began to be
rated against that of the Constitution herself. Lieut.,
now Com. Ballard, was desirous of getting into the
frigate> in the hope that she might have another fight,
while Lawrence was willing to take Shubrick in
exchange, trusting he would bring his good fortune, and
certain he would bring his good conduct with him.
The exchange was effected accordingly, and the Consti
tution sailed for home, January 6, 1813, leaving the
Hornet still blockading the Bonne Citoyenne. After
remaining off' the port alone, eighteen days, Lawrence
was chased into the harbor by the Montagu 74, and then
running out to sea, he made sail to the northward. On
the 24th of Eebruary, the Hornet fell in with, engaged
and captured the British sloop of war Peacock 18, Capt.
Peake,- after a close arid warrifr combat of only fifteen
minutes. The result is well known ; the prize sinking
while Lieut., now Com. Conner, and Midshipman, now
Capt. Cooper, were on board of her. These gentlemen,
and most of their men, were saved in the Peacock's
launch, but several of their companions, as well as a
good many of the English, went down in the brig.

In this engagement Shubrick acted as the Hornet's
first lieutenant. Mr. Walter Stewart, of Philadelphia,
was on board and his senior, but that gentleman was ill
in his berth, and unable to do duty. Lawrence com
mended the conduct of his new officer, and every one
who witnessed it spoke of it in the same terms. Of
course Shubrick remained in the Hornet until she
reached home, carrying with him a reputation for good
fortune, as well as good conduct, that was very enviable
in an officer of his rank. He had now been four times
14*

162 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

in action ; three times successfully within the last eight
months, or within the seven months he had been at sea.
In addition to this, he was in the Constitution's chase,
an exploit worth a victory any day. These were some
compensations for the attack of the Leopard, and so did
Mr. Shubrick not alone feel them to be, for they were
thus regarded by the service and the country.

Shubrick continued attached to the Hornet for some
time after her return, and sailed in her, under Capt.
Biddle, when Com. Decatur's squadron was chased into
New London. Previously to this, however, an amusing
instance of the influence of his fortunes on the minds of
his brother officers occurred. A report was circulated
that an enemy's brig was cruising close in with the
eastern outlet of the Sound, and the Argus went out to
look for it. Shubrick went in her, as a volunteer, hop
ing that his usual good fortune might bring on a combat.
The enemy's cruiser was not met, however, and the
Argus returned to sail on her cruise under Allen.

Finding that there was little chance of getting out in
the Hornet, Shubrick got transferred to the United
States, thus joining the ship of his old commander,
Decatur, once more. Under this distinguished officer
he continued to serve until near the close of his own
career.

The summer that Com. Decatur's squadron was
blockaded in the Thames, Lieut. Shubrick was married
to Elizabeth Matilda Ludlow, a young lady of one of
the old and respectable families of New York. This
new connection was formed in the height of a war, but
could not lead our young officer from the obligations of
duty. When Decatur left the United States and Mace-

JOHN T&MPLEE SHUBRICK. 163

(Ionian lying in the river, where they continued until
the peace, in order to take the President, Lieut. Shu-
brick, in common with most of his officers, was trans
ferred along with him. Shubrick ranked as the second
lieutenant of this fine frigate, having Warrington, and
subsequently Fitz Henry Babbitt, as the first. Babbitt
was but a year or two older in the service than he was
himself, and they had already been shipmates once
before, in the unfortunate Chesapeake. In that frigate,
Babbitt had been one of the oldest of the midshipmen,
and Shubrick one of the youngest.

The President did not get to sea until January 14th,
1815. That very night she fell in with an English
squadron, consisting of the Majestic, razee, Endymiori,
Nymphe and Tenedos frigates. As resisting such a
force was out of the question, a long chase ensued,
during which the Endymion, a heavy frigate, succeeded
in getting so near as to compel Decatur to engage, in
order to avoid the hazard of being crippled by her chase
guns. A long and bloody action ensued, during which
both ships suffered severely, the American more particu
larly in officers and men. Shubrick, as second lieu
tenant, commanded the forward division of the gun-deck.
But Mr. Babbitt falling early in the engagement, by
being hit in the knee by a round-shot, the commodore
sent for Shubrick to supply his place, and he was vir
tually the first lieutenant of the ship during the remain
der of the trying scenes of that day and night. After
crippling and quitting the Endymion, the President
endeavoured to escape from the remainder of the
squadron, which now drew near. The attempt was
useless, however, and the Tenedos and Nymphe having

164 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

closed and commenced a fire, the colors were hauled
down.

This was the second time that Shubrick had seen the
American ensign lowered to the English, but it now
occurred under circumstances that rather added lustre,
than the reverse, to the national flag. If he had seen
the ensign in which he took so much pride twice low
ered, he had the consciousness of having seen it compel
that of the enemy to yield three times, in actions of ship
to ship.

In this bloody battle no less than three of the Presi
dent's lieutenants were killed, viz., Babbitt, Hamilton
and Howell. Decatur himself was injured ; but, as
usual, Shubrick escaped unharmed. He was carried a
prisoner to Bermuda, but was shortly after released by
the peace. Irvine Shubrick, the youngest of the four
brothers, was on board the President, as a midshipman,
on this occasion, and on his first cruise.

Although the country, substantially, had a release
from the pains and penalties of war, in 1815, it was not
so with the subject of this sketch. Algiers had begun
her depredations on American commerce shortly after
the Dey fancied the English power would leave him
without any grounds of apprehension from the little
marine that had made so deep an impression on the
Barbary States, in its conflict with Tripoli. It remained,
therefore, to punish this treacherous aggression, which
had no other motive than a wish to plunder. Decatur
was offered a squadron for this purpose the moment he
got home, and he hoisted his pennant in the Guerriere
44, a new frigate that had been built during the English
war, and which had never yet been to sea. The com-

JOHN TEMPLE R SHUBRICK. 165

modore had become too sensible of the merits of
Shubrick to leave him behind, and the latter was
immediately attached to the Guerriere, as her first lieu
tenant.

Decatur sailed from New York, May 21st, for the
Mediterranean, having under his orders three frigates,
and seven sloops, brigs and schooners, or ten sail in all.
The Guerriere reached Tangiers, June 15th, and com
municated with the consul. From this gentleman the
commodore ascertained that the Algerine admiral had
been off the port only the day before, and that he had
sailed for Carthagena, in Spain, at which port he
intended to touch. The squadron made sail immedi
ately, and, without touching at Gibraltar, it entered the
Mediterranean. Decatur called out by signal, however,
in passing, three of his vessels that had separated ir»
heavy weather, and rendezvoused at the Rock, by
instructions. On the 17th, the Americans came up
with and engaged the Algerine admiral, in a frigate,
chasing a large brig, that was in company, on shore at
the same time. The Constellation was the first to en
gage, but Decatur soon shoved the Guerriere in between
the combatants, driving the enemy from his guns by his
broadside. In making this discharge, one of the Guer-
riere's guns bursted, blew up the spar-deck, and killed
or wounded from thirty to forty-five men. A larg'e
fragment of the breach of this gun passed so near Shu-
brick as to hit his hat ; and still he escaped without a
wound. Shortly after, the Algerine struck, after suffer
ing a fearful loss.

Decatur got off the brig, which was also captured,
and sending his prizes into Carthagena, he proceeded

166 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

to Algiers, off which place he arrived on the 28th,
Here he dictated the terms of a just treaty with the
Regency, both parties signing it on the, 30th June ; or
just forty days after the squadron had left America !

This rapid success put it in the power of Decatur to
give Shubrick a high proof of the respect and confi
dence in which he held his character. Capt. Lewis,
of the Guerriere, had been married a very short time
before he sailed, and, now the war was so soon and
honorably terminated, he felt a natural wish to return
to his bride. Lieut. B. J. Neale, of the Constellation,
was in the same situation, he and Capt. Lewis having
married sisters. These two gentlemen got leave of ab
sence, as soon as the treaty was signed, with a view to
return to America. This enabled the commodore to
qrdei Capt. Downes, of the Epervier, to his own ship,
and to give the former vessel, with an acting appoint
ment, to Shubrick, who was directed to sail immediate
ly for the nearest American port. It is understood that
Shubrick himself was also selected to bear the treaty;
a high distinction under the circumstances.

The Epervier sailed from Algiers early in July, 1815,
and is known to have passed the Straits of Gibraltar,
about the 10th of the month ; since which time no cer
tain information lias ever been heard of her. There is
a vague rumour that she was seen in a tremendous
gale, in the month of August, not far from the American
coast, but it is of a character too questionable to be relied
upon. The Enterprise, Lieut., Kearney, was making
a passage at this time, and she experienced a heavy
blow, which was said to be tremendous a little farther
to the eastward of her, and the most probable conjecture

JOHN TEMPI/EH SHUBRICK. 167

is, that the Epervier was lost in that gale. Near thirty
years have gone by since the melancholy occurrence,
and all that is certain is the fact that no one belonging
to the ill-fated vessel has ever appeared to tell the tale
of her calamity.

Thus prematurely terminated the career of one of
the noblest spirits that ever served under the American
flag. Shubrick was not quite twenty-seven when he
perished, and was just attaining a rank where his own
name would become more intimately connected with
his services, than could be the case while he acted in
only subordinate situations. Considering the duration
of the peace that has since existed, it would seem as if
he had lived just long enough to see all the real service
the profession opened to him, and vanished from the
scene like one who, having well enacted his part, had
no longer any motive for remaining on the stage.
With him perished in the Epervier, Capt. Lewis,
Lieut. 'Neale, Lieut. Yarnall, Lieut. Drury, and other
sea officers, besides several citizens who had been re
cently released from captivity in Algiers, in virtue of
one of the conditions of the treaty.

It is rare, indeed, that any sea officer who is not
called on to command a vessel, obtains as much repu
tation as fell to the share of John Shubrick ; still rarer,
that any one so thoroughly deserved it. Entering the
navy in the summer of 1806, and perishing in that of
1815, his services were limited to just nine years ; one
half of which period he did duty as a lieutenant.
During these nine pregnant years, he served in the
Chesapeake 38, the Argus 16, the United States 44,
the Viper 12, the Siren 16, the Constitution 44, the

168 . NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

Hornet 18, the United States 44, the President 44, the
Guerriere 44, and the Epervier 18; ten different
cruisers in all, without enumerating his second turn of
duty in the United States, at a time when she did not
get out. We are not aware that he had a furlough for
an hour, though he had a short leave of absence about
the time of his marriage. In these nine years, besides
being kept thus on the alert, in ten different sea-going
craft, he was present at six regular sea-fights, five of
which were between vessels of a force as heavy as that
of frigates. He participated, also, in the glory of the
celebrated chase off' New York, and lost his life by one
of those dire disasters that so often close the seaman's
career ; as if Providence designed for him a fate suited
to the risks and dangers he had already run.

One child, a son, was the issue of the marriage of
Lieut. Com. Shubrick with Miss Ludlow. This gen
tleman, Edmund Templer Shubrick, still survives, and
is now a lieutenant on board the Raritan 44, Capt.
Gregory.

Shubrick was a man .of martial bearing, and of ex
tremely fine personal appearance. In these particulars
few men were his equals. He was five feet eleven
inches in height, was well and compactly made, with
a frame indicating strength and activity. His eyes
were of a bluish gray, with an expression inclining to
seriousness ; his hair was brown, and his complexion
ruddy. In temperament he was grave, with little dis
position to merriment; on the contrary, a shade of
melancholy \vas not unfrequently thrown gcross his
countenance, as if Providence shadowed forth to him,

!wfj ,£t iioijirtfcano'!) *»dJ fOI n-rtiS sd? £1 loqiY w-

JOHN TEMPLER SHUBRICK. 169

in mercy, the shortness of his time, and the fearful as
well as early termination of his days.

Among other commendable qualities, Shubrick pos
sessed the gentleman-like attention to personal neat
ness. Without the least propensity to dyess, in the
vulgar sense, the feeling which associates character,
station and appearance together, was strong in him.
An instance is related of his attention to such matters,
that occurred under circumstances to render it charac
teristic. While serving in the Argus, which was then
commanded by Capt. Wederstrandt, the brig was near
being lost off the mouth of the Penobscot, in a tremen
dous gale of wind. Nothing saved the vessel but her
own excellent qualities, for it blew directly on shore,
and there was a common expectation that the vessel
and crew would all go together, on that wild coast.
Orders were given to overhaul ranges of cables, to an
chor as a last resort, though no one believed the
ground tackle could or would hold on for five minutes.
Among the midshipmen was Foxhall Parker, of Vir
ginia, now Commodore Parker of the East India squad
ron. Parker was attending to the cables, when Shu-
brick, who was also at the same duty, quietly remarked
to him, that their situation had caused them to neglect
their appearance ; that &ey would, in all probability,
be soon thrown upon the beach, where their bodies
would be found and interred with the rest of the crew,
without distinction. By dressing themselves in uniform
they would be interred apart, when their friends might
have the melancholy gratification of knowing where
their remains were to be found. At this suggestion

VOL. I. 15

170 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

Shubrick and Parker put on their uniforms, and waited
the result with composure. Providence caused the
gale to abate, and the vessel was saved.

The firmness of Shubrick, on all occasions of duty,
was of proof, though the lamb was not more gentle in
the intercourse of private life. None served with him,
without feeling that he was a man fitted for high des
tinies. His very character might be said to have been
as martial as was his appearance, and there is little
doubt, had not Almighty God called him away thus
early, he would have won, and decorously worn, the
highest honors of his manly profession. Entering the
service so late, with an education so well and thorough
ly commenced, the mind of this young officer was
more cultivated than was then customary with seamen.
In a word, his early death was a national loss, the navy
containing, at the time it occurred, no officer of brighter
promise, or one from whom the country had more to
hope for, than John Templer Shubrick. To this hour
he is mentioned with manly regret by his old shipmates,
and his name is never introduced in the navy except
in terms of commendation and respect.

fcfcK jfOr{*V7&./.>ii* ."fl-i^* tt"7'i 'to a^^Hlw staoroiv

EDWARD PREBLE.

THE family of Preble is of long standing in the
country. The name appears in the records of the
seventeenth century, and is to be referred to the earlier
emigrations. Thus it was that the subject of this
sketch and William P. Preble, the late charge-d'affaires
of this country in Holland, the gentleman who was em
ployed to protect the interests of Maine in the negotia
tions connected with the north-eastern boundary ques
tion, were the descendants of a common ancestor,
though quite distantly related.

The father of our subject was Jedediah Preble, who
was born in 1707, at York, in the Province of Maine,
as the present state of that name was formerly called.
He was the second son of Benjamin Preble, who was
the second son of Abraham, who was the son of the
emigrant. Abraham Preble, the emigrant, was first
settled at Scituate., in Massachusetts proper, where his
name appears as early as 1036. He is found in Maine
as early as 1645, and died in 1663. It follows that the
Prebles have been Americans for more than two hun
dred years, and residents of Maine nearly, if not quite,
two centuries. In 1645, the name of this Abraham
Preble appears, in Maine, as an assistant or councillor
of the government of Sir Ferdiriando Gorges ; an office
he held until its dissolution. He subsequently held

171

172 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

various offices of trust under the sway of Massachusetts,
having been one of a commission to exercise many of
the powers of governor, after the junction.

Jedediah Preble appears also to have been a man of
local note and influence, having filled various situations
of trust and dignity in his own section of the country.
This gentleman is described as a man of fine presence,
of great resolution, and of a fixedness of purpose that is
still alluded to among his descendants, whenever a
similar tendency is observed among his posterity, as a
quality indicating that the party has inherited " a little
of the brigadier ;" a rank to which this gentleman at
tained among the provincial troops of his day. In the
campaign in which Quebec was taken, Mr. Preble
served as a captain. On the Plains of Abraham, he
was quite near Wolfe when he fell, and he was wound
ed himself in the course of that celebrated battle. In
that day, waistcoats were worn with flaps that descend
ed some distance down the thigh, and a bullet struck
Capt. Preble, penetrated this part of the dress, and
entered the flesh, carrying with it, however, so much
of his different garments that the wounded officer was
enabled to extract the lead himself, by pulling upon the
cloth. At a later day, this gentleman had the com
mand on the Penobscot, occupying a place called Fort
Pownal. Previously to filling this trust, Mr. Preble
had risen to the rank of brigadier-general, in the ser
vice of his native colony, which, it will be remembered,
was properly Massachusetts. He is said to have been
wounded in another of the engagements of this war.
At the peace of 1763, Gen. Preble was in command on
the frontier just mentioned. When the quarrel oc-

EDWARD PREBLE. 173

curred between the mother country and her North
American Colonies, Gen. Preble took sides with his
native land. He became so warm a whig that he even
abandoned the Episcopal church, to which he properly
belonged, because his clergyman continued to pray for
the king and royal family. As this old gentleman did
nothing by halves, he joined a Congregational church
on that occasion. About this time he was elected a
major-general by the provincial government, but de
clined the appointment on account of his advanced age.
General Preble died the year peace was made, or in
1783, at the age of seventy-seven. He must, conse
quently, have been turned of fifty at the taking of
Quebec, was fifty-seven at the peace of '63, and near,
or quite, seventy at the commencement of the Revolu
tion. One account, however, places the death of Gen.
Preble a year later. He represented his town in the
Legislature of Massachusetts, between the years 1753
and 1780. In 1773, he was chosen a councillor, and
was accepted by the royal governor, though of the
popular party ; several others of the same way of
thinking having been rejected. Under the Constitu
tion of '1780, Gen. Preble was elected to the State
Senate, from the county of Cumberland, and he was
made a Judge of the Common Pleas in 1782.

General Preble appears to have been twice married.
By his first wife he had two sons and a daughter. The
commodore was the child of a second connection, hav
ing been born August 15th, 1761, on that part of Fal-
mouth Neck, in the Province of Maine, which is the
site of the present town of Portland. Of the four bro
thers of Preble, of the whole blood, two were older and
15*

174 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

two younger than himself. Eben seems to have been
the eldest son of Gen. Preble by his second marriage.
He was a merchant in Boston, where he accumulated
a considerable estate. His residence at Watertown
has since passed into the possession of a China merchant
of ^he name of Gushing, and is much admired for its
beauties. This gentleman had two sons, both of whom
are dead, and two daughters. Of the latter, one mar
ried into the family of Amory, and the other married
Capt. Ralph Wormley, of the British navy. Joshua,
the next son of Gen. Preble, married and settled him
self in Newburyport, Massachusetts, where he left
issue. Edward, the subject of our memoir, was the
third son, as has been mentioned. Enoch, the fourth,
became a sailor, making his first voyage in 1779, and
his last in 1824. He was a respected ship-master
thirty-seven years, having passed eight years, including
the time he was at sea during the 'Re volution, in sub
ordinate situations. This gentleman was the last sur
vivor of his generation, in his own family, dying in
October, 1842, in the seventy-ninth year of his age.
He has left four children, of whom the youngest,
George H. Preble, is now a passed midshipman in the
navy, of the date of 1841. We believe this last gentle
man to be the only representative of his distinguished
name in the service, contrary to what is usual in cases
where one of the family has earned a name, in times
that are gone, under the ensign of the republic. Henry,
the youngest brother of the whole blood, lived a long
time in Sicily, having been consul at Palermo. He is
said to have been a man of taste and of cultivated mind.
This gentleman subsequently settled in Pittsburg, Penn.,

EDWARD PREBLE. 175

where one of his two daughters married Thomas, a son
of the celebrated Joel Barlow. He died, in 1826, leav
ing one other child, a daughter, who continues single.

Of the sisters of Preble, of the whole blood, one mar
ried a Mr. Codman, and another a Mr. Oxnard. The
latter gentleman adhered to the crown, in the war of
the Revolution. The sons of this last marriage, how
ever, were American, heart and mind ; one of them,
Thomas Oxnard, having fitted out, at Marseilles, and
commanded a privateer, during the last English war,
that he called the True-Blooded Yankee ; a vessel that
became famous for her success and boldness. Capt.
Oxnard manifested much of the enterprise and re
sources of his celebrated uncle, and was so warmly
American in feeling, that, though expatriated, at his
death recently he made a request that his shroud should
be the stars and stripes !

Young Preble manifested the peculiarities that
marked his subsequent career, at a very early period
in life. From childhood he was of a quick, fiery tem
perament ; a quality that formed the principal, if not
the only serious blot on his professional character. It
has been thought that this natural failing was increased
in after-life by the disease, dyspepsia, that undermined
his constitution. From childhood, also, he was dis
tinguished for resolution, undaunted firmness, decision,
and an inflexibility of opinion, that rendered it very
difficult to cause him to swerve from a purpose. In
this last particular, he was thought to have his fair
proportion " of the brigadier" in him.

Many anecdotes are related of the boyhood of young
Preble, all tending to prove his courage, determination.

176 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

and high temper. On one occasion, his father was
about to go on an excursion to the neighbouring islands,
with a party of gentlemen, and the boy was denied a
place in the boat, on account of his tender years. In
order to get rid of his importunities, his father gave
Edward a task, which it was thought could not pos
sibly be completed in time, with a promise that he
should go, did he get through with it. The boy suc
ceeded, and, to his father's surprise, appeared on the
shore, claiming the promised place in the boat. This
was still denied him, under the pretext that there was
not room. Finding the party about to shove off with
out him, young Preble, then about ten years of age,
commenced hostilities by making an attack with stones
picked up on the wharf, peppering the party pretty
effectually before his laughing father directed a capitu
lation. It seems the old general decided that the boy
had the " right stuff" in him, and overlooked the gross
impropriety of the assault, on account of its justice and
spirit. This species of indulgence is more natural than
prudent, and it is probable we can trace in it one of the
causes why Preble had so little command over himself
in after-life. Still it was proper to make concessions
to the boy, as he had right on his side, in one respect
at least ; though it should riot have been a concession
made under fire.

A more creditable, and an equally characteristic,
anecdote is related of young Preble, while still a school
boy. It would seem that' his master, a person of the
name of Moody, was a man of a temper almost as quick
and violent as that of his pupil. On one occasion
Preble had a quarrel with a boy of about his own age,

EDWARD PREBLE. 177

and he struck his competitor a smart blow in the face,
causing the blood to flow pretty freely. This was done
out of school, but the sufferer appeared in the presence
of the master bleeding. The latter was so much ex
asperated as to catch up the shovel and aim a blow at
the offender. The blow missed the boy, but fell heavily
on the writing-desk at which he was seated. The calm,
unmoved, and firm manner in which the boy received
this assault, sitting, looking with a fearless eye at. his
assailant, caused the purpose of the latter to change.
He laid down his formidable weapon, exclaiming —
" That fellow will make a general, too, one day !"

It appears to have been the intention of Gen. Preble
to educate his son Edward for one of the liberal profes
sions. The boy was sent, while yet quite young, to
Dummer Academy, where he laid the foundation of a
respectable education, having made some progress in
the Latin language, when the times induced his parent
to withdraw him from school. One version of the
anecdote just related, makes it occur at this academy.
In the year 1775, young Preble, who was born in 1761,
was of course only fourteen years of age. This was
the year in which the English pursued the false policy
of setting fire to sundry small seaports that were easy
of access to their shipping, and substantially without
protection. Much private misery was produced by
this species of warfare, and, in every instance probably,
a desire of personal revenge was added to the spirit of
opposition that had previously existed in the country.
Falmouth, (now Portland,) Preble's birth-place, was
among the towns thus assailed, and it was partly de
stroyed. Gen. Preble thought it expedient, on account

178 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

of his exposed position in the town, to remove his family
to a farm in its vicinity, where it remained several
years ; and here Edward found his friends on his re
turn from school. In that day and region, laborers
were not to be had for the asking, and so many of the
young men of the country being absent in the army, or
in private armed vessels of war, Gen. Preble was com
pelled to take the field, at the head of all his sons, in a
capacity that was less martial than had distinguished
his previous enterprises. On a pressing occasion, he
ordered all his boys to handle their hoes, repair to the
proper place, and to begin the humble, but very neces
sary, business of digging potatoes. Young Edward
did his part of the duty with many rebellious repin-
ina^s, until he suddenly threw down his hoe, declared
he should do no more such work, and left the field.
While his brothers were making their calculations as
to what would be the consequences of the next meeting
between the Brigadier and Ned, the latter was making
the best of his way towards what was left of Falmouth.
Here he shipped in a letter-of-marque that was bound
to Europe, sailing soon after. The year in which this
occurred does not appear in any of our published ac
counts, but we suppose it to have been as late as 1777
or 1778. Preble had long before manifested a desire
to become a sailor, but his father opposed it, though it
would seem he acquiesced, now the lad was fairly
shipped, hoping one voyage would cure him. The
voyage was to Europe, and the return passage was
particularly severe. All this had no effect on the
spirited young man, and Gen. Preble, finding his son
bent on the profession, procured the appointment of

EDWARD PREBLE, 179

a midshipman for him, in the provincial marine of
Massachusetts, which was probably the most active
state marine in the confederation.

This appointment occurred early in 1779, and Preble
was attached to a ship that mounted twenty-six guns,
and which was called the Protector. His commanding
officer was John Foster Williams, who had done a very
handsome thing that very season, in a brig called the
Herald, and who enjoyed a high reputation in the
service to which he belonged. Preble was in his
eighteenth year when he joined this ship, and all
accounts render him a youth of high promise in
profession. He must have gone to sea originally, when
a little turned of sixteen.

The Protector sailed soon after Preble joined her,
and in June of the same year, she fell in with, and
engaged an enemy's letter-of-marque, of quite her own
force, if not of superior ; one of those strongly armed
running ships, it was much the fashion for the Eng
lish to send to sea in that war. This vessel was called
the Admiral Duflf. The combat between the Protector
and the Duff was close and sharp, and it would probably
have proved as bloody as that between the Trumbull
and the Watt, but for an accident that befell the English
ship, which blew up at the expiration of more than an
hour. Some of the accounts say, however, that the Duff
had struck her colors before the accident occurred, but
this circumstance may be questioned. The boats of the
Protector picked up fifty-five of her crew, who had time
to jump overboard. The Protector had six men killed
and wounded in this affair. Shortly after the Protector
had a running fight, and a narrow escape from the

180 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

Thames 32, in which affair the English frigate is said
to have been a good deal cut up aloft.

Capt. Williams had made several prizes, and he
returned to port to land his prisoners. He was now
ordered to join the expedition against the enemy's post
on the Penobscot, having been put under the orders of
Com. Saltonstall, of the United States navy, for that
purpose. It was while thus employed, that an incident
occurred to Preble, that is worthy of being recorded,
more especially since subsequent events have confirmed
its truth. Preble related the affair substantially as fol-
•lows : The Protector was lying in one of the bays on
the eastern coast, which has been forgotten, waiting the
slow movements of the squadron. The day was clear
and calm, when a large serpent was discovered outside
the ship. The animal was lying on the water quite
motionless. After inspecting it with the glasses for
some time, Capt. Williams ordered Preble to man and
arm a large boat, and endeavor to destroy the creature ;
or at least to go as near to it as he could. The selection
of Preble for such a service, proves the standing he
occupied among the hardy and daring. The boat thus
employed pulled twelve oars, and carried a swivel in
its bows, besides having its crew armed as boarders.
Preble shoved off, and pulled directly towards the mon
ster. As the boat neared it, the serpent raised its head
about ten feet above the surface of the water, looking
about it. It then began to move slowly away from the
boat. Preble pushed on, his men pulling with all their
force, and the animal being at no great distance, the
swivel was discharged loaded with bullets. The dis
charge produced no other effect than to quicken the

EDWARD PREBLE. 181

speed of the serpent, which soon ran the boat out of

sight.

There is no question that in after-life, Prehle occa
sionally mentioned this circumstance, to a few of his
intimates. He was not loquacious, and probably saw
that he was relating a fact that most persons would be
disposed to doubt, and self-respect prevented his making
frequent allusions to it. When it is remembered that
Preble died long before the accounts of the appearance
of a similar serpent, that have been promulgated in this
country, were brought to light, it affords a singular con
firmation of the latter. Preble stated it as his opinion,
that the serpent he saw was from one hundred to one
hundred and fifty feet long, and larger than a barrel.

This account of the size of the serpent undoubtedly
seen by Preble, is in singular accordance with that given
to the writer by an intelligent officer of the navy, more
than twenty years since. On that occasion the serpent
was seen quite near by, for fully an hour, and once was
viewed under water, as it passed beneath the boat.
The writer's informant said it was his opinion that the
animal was nearer one hundred and fifty than one hun
dred feet in length, and he supposed him to be of the
size of a wine-pipe.

There appears an indisposition in the human mind
to acknowledge that others have seen that which chance
has concealed from our own sight. Travellers are dis
credited and derided merely because they relate facts
that lie beyond the circle of the common acquisitions ;
and the term of "traveller's stories" has its origin more
in a narrow jealousy, than in any prudent wariness of
exaggeration. The provincial distrusts the accounts of

VOL. i. 16

182 NATAL BIOGRAPHY.

the inhabitant of the capital, while self-love induces
even the former to deride the marvels of the country.
As respects marine serpents, they are well-known to
exist, the merest physical tyro living being familiar
with the fact that there are water-snakes. This being
admitted, the philosopher should have, no difficulty in
believing, in their substance, the accounts that have
been published of the appearance of one or more sea-
serpents on the eastern coast of this country. The
animals of the ocean are known to exceed those of the
land in magnitude, and the difference in size between
the boa constrictor, or the anaconda, and the one hun
dred and fifty feet of the sea-serpent, is not so great as
that between the mammoth and the whale.

There have been accounts published which would
give the readef reason to suppose that Preble was cap
tured in the Protector, by a frigate and a sloop of war,
in a cruise that succeeded the one in which the action
with the Duff took place. We conceive this to be true
only in essentials. The Protector formed a part of Sal-
tonstali's squadron, as has been mentioned, and fell into
the enemy's hands, in common with most of the rest of
that armament. Tnat Preble was made a prisoner, is
out of all doubt, and we suppose he was taken in the
Penobscot on that occasion.

The young man was sent to New York, and became
a prisoner on board the well-known prison-ship, the
Jersey. After a time he was placed on parole, how
ever, and a letter from General Preble is still in exist
ence, in which he cautions his son not to violate his
word, "not to stain his honor by attempting to escape."
It would seem that Preble was not exchanged, or released

EDWARD PREBLE. 183

for a long time ; though the influence of an old brother
officer of his father's had been exerted in his behalf,
and contributed to render his captivity less irksome.*

* Nothing will give a better idea of the notions that our young
man imbibed from his education, than to copy a letter written by
Gen. Preble to his son, while the latter was a prisoner in New
York.

Falmouth, July 11th, 1781.

DEAR CHILD : I received your favor with great pleasure and
satisfaction, to find you met with so much kindness and friendship
from Col. Tyng and lady. I have wrote him my acknowledg
ments on the subject, and hope that your future conduct will be
such as to render you in some measure worthy their further notice.
As you are admitted on shore, a favor denied all the officers of
the ship, never stain your honor by attempting to make your
escape. I shall do every thing, and pursue every measure, that
affords the least prospect of success, to get you exchanged in a jus
tifiable way. Present your mamma's and my best compliments to
Col. Tyng and lady, and let them know Madame Ross was in
good health yesterday. Be always on your guard against tempta
tions, or giving the least occasion to any that has shown you
favors, to charge you with a breach of trust : be kind and obliging
to all ; for no man ever does a designed injury to another, without
doing a greater to himself. Let reason always govern your thoughts
and actions. Be sure and write me at all opportunities. Your
mamma, brothers and sisters join me in presenting their love to
you, and wishing you a speedy exchange. I am your ready friend
and affectionate father. JEDEDIAH PREBLE.

This letter is creditable to the father, and contains one sentence
that is full of sound morality, expressed with the terseness of an
apophthegm. The date of this letter, however, throws a little doubt
over a portion of Preble's career. The expedition to the Penob-
scot occurred in July, 1779, and this letter is dated two years later.
Now, most of the crews of the vessels taken escaped through the
wilderness, and it is possible Preble was among the number; else
he must have remained a captive two entire years. One version
of his life says, he was taken at sea in the Protector, but that ship

184 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

On being restored to his liberty, Preble was received
on board the Winthrop, another state cruiser, as her
first lieutenant. This vessel was commanded by Capt.
George Little, subsequently of the United States navy ;
an officer who had been first lieutenant of the Protector,
and the gentleman who afterwards captured the Ber-
ceau, in the war of 1798, while in command of the
Boston frigate. There is little question that our young
adventurer made great progress in his profession while
under the orders of two such expert seamen and discreet
commanders as Williams and Little.

The exploit that gave Preble an early reputation for
daring and presence of mind, occurred in this his first
cruise in the Winthrop. The Americans captured a
sloop off Penobscot, from the crew of which they learned
the position of an armed brig, that had previously taken
the sloop, and sent her out manned to cruise for coast
ers. Capt. Little determined to carry this vessel by
surprise, as she lay at her anchors. Preparations
were made accordingly, and the Winthrop stood into
the bay under favorable circumstances. Preble, as first
lieutenant, was to lead the boarders, who were selected
with care. His party was to consist of forty men.
The enterprise succeeded so well that the Winthrop ran
alongside of her enemy, and Preble and the foremost
of his party threw themselves on the decks of the Eng
lishman ; but the Winthrop had so much way on her
in closing, that she shot clear of her enemy, leaving

was destroyed in the Penobscot, and I can find no trace of Treble's
having belonged to more than three vessels during the war of the
Revolution, viz., the Letter-of- Marque, the Protector, and the
Winthrop.

EDWARD PREBLE. 185

Preble with only fourteen men among the enemy. It
is said that Little called out to his lieutenant to know if
he should send him more men, and that Preble coolly
answered, " No, he had too many already." At any
rate, he carried the brig, securing her officers before
they had time to gain the deck. In the exaggerated
accounts that have succeeded, it has been pretended that
this prize was a vessel of war, and that she was supe
rior in force to the Winthrop. Neither was probably
the fact, though the exploit was sufficiently creditable
as it really occurred. That Preble was inferior to the
force actually opposed to his small party, there is little
question, and it is certain the whole affair was conduct
ed with great skill and spirit. As the prize lay under,
not only the guns of the English works, but even within
reach of musketry, the enemy opened on her, and Pre-
bie had to work out to sea, with his small party, under
a brisk fire. In this he succeeded, as ably as he had
done in the attack, without sustaining any damage of
moment.

The reader who is familiar with the exploits of
Trippe, will find an incident in the life of that gallant
officer, while serving under Preble's orders, that sin
gularly resembled this which occurred to Preble him
self.

Although there is now some obscurity thrown around
the particulars of this affair, the name of the vessel
captured appearing in none of the clearer accounts of
it, there is no question that it was a very gallant ex
ploit, and obtained for both Little and Preble much
reputation in the naval circles of that day. Preble
probably owed the rank he subsequently obtained in the
16*

186 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

navy of the republic to the cool courage he manifested
on this occasion, united to his conduct and general good
character. Among the old seamen who lived at the
close of the last century, it was often mentioned in
terms of high eulogium.

Mr. Preble remained in the Winthrop until peace
was made. During this time he saw much service on
the coast, that cruiser being actively employed, and
doing a vast deal of useful duty. She captured a good
many vessels, and was particularly destructive to the
small privateers, of wHich the enemy employed so
many, more especially to the eastward. There can be
no question that our young man's professional character
was formed in the Protector and the Winthrop.

At the peace of 1783 all the naval armaments of the
country were substantially suppressed. Some of the
States, it is true, maintained a sort of guarda costas,
each government having its own revenue laws under
its own control ; but these were few in number, and of
small account. Preble was discharged, in common
with most of his brethren, and was compelled to turn to
the merchant service for employment. As our young
man was now in his twenty-second year, and was pos
sessed of so much character and skill, he had little diffi
culty in obtaining a vessel. At one time he was in the
employment of a gentleman in North Carolina, though
he appears to have passed the fifteen years that suc
ceeded the peace in sailing from and to different parts
of the globe.

In 1798 the quasi war with France commenced.
Preble's predilections for the navy still remaining, his
wishes to enter it were gratified by his receiving one

.

EDWARD PREBLE. 187

of the five first commissions that were granted to lieu
tenants. At the commencement of the new marine, it
was determined that each lieutenant should be named
for his particular rank in each vessel, and that the
relative rank of the whole service should be determined
by those of the respective commanders with whom the
junior officers were required to serve. Preble was in
tended for the first lieutenant of the Constitution, a po
sition that would have left him the second on the list
of lieutenants in the entire service, that being the place
Com. Nicholson held on the list of captains. Fortu
nately for Preble, perhaps, he did not like his captain,
and. he succeeded in keeping out of his ship, for he
was placed in command of the Pickering, a brig of 14
guns, which was first commissioned for the revenue
service. There were six of these small cruisers em
ployed on the coast at this time, all of which were
under the command of officers who properly belonged
to the navy. The names of Preble, Campbell, Brown
and Leonard were among them, and they all appear to
have received the commissions of lieutenants com
mandant.

The Pickering was attached to what was called the
Windward West India squadron, having its rendezvous
at Prince Rupert's Bay, and cruising as far south as
the Island of Tobago. Barry commanded this force,
which, in the course of the year 1798, consisted of
twelve vessels, including two frigates.

Preble appears to have made two cruises in the
Pickering, in the course of the years 1798 and 1799.
We cannot discover that any service worthy of being
mentioned occurred in either. At the close of the year

188

NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

1799, our officer was promoted to the rank of captain,
appearing to have passed over that of master com
mandant, and he was appointed to command the Essex
32, then a new ship, and just getting ready for her first
cruise. The Pickering was given to Capt. Hillar, was
sent to the Guadaloupe station, and was lost at sea, all
hands perishing. This appointment of Prehle's is, in
itself, an evidence of a just appreciation of his cha
racter, since both the rank and the ship he now obtained
were a little beyond his claims on the score of date of
commission. Rodgers, who had been Truxtun's first
lieutenant, and who ranked him one as a captain, got
only the Maryland sloop of war. It is a fact worthy of
notice, that Little, Preble's first lieutenant in the Pro
tector, and his commander in the Winthrop, ranked
him by only two on the list of captains, as it was es
tablished in 1799. Rodgers was the only name be
tween them.

The Essex was destined to accompany the Congress
38, also a new ship, on a cruise as far east as Batavia,
to meet and give convoy to the homeward-bound India
and China ships. Capt. Sever, of the Congress, was
the senior of the two captains thus employed. The
Congress and Essex sailed on this cruise, then much
the most distant that any American cruiser had ever
attempted, in the month of January, 1800. A few
days out, the ships encountered a heavy gale, and lost
sight of each other. The Congress was dismasted and
returned to port, but the Essex made better weather,
and continued on her course. Preble persevered,
doubled the Cape, and reached his port of destination,
where he proceeded to carry out the objects of the cruise.

.

EDWARD PREBLE. 189

It- was his duty to collect a convoy of the valuable
homeward-bound ships that were expected to pass the
Straits of Sunda, giving notice of his presence, and
cruising himself, in the interval, against the enemy's
rovers. After remaining several months in the Indian
seas, he collected a convoy of fourteen sail, with which
he left Batavia, in the month of June. No opportunity
occurred for distinguishing himself in this cruise, be
yond the accurate and complete manner in which
Preble executed his orders. One small French cruiser,
out of the Isle of France, was chased off from the con
voy, but she escaped under her sweeps in light weather.
Notwithstanding the magnitude of his charge, the value
of which amounted to many millions, Preble passed
every thing in safety, and came into New York in the
autumn. As sailing in convoy is dull work, it was
near the close of the year when the Essex reached
home. Peace was soon after made with France, and
the ship was paid off. It is worthy of a passing re
mark, that this ship was the first American man-of-war
to carry the pennant round both Capes ; that of Good
Hope, under Preble, as just related, and that of Cape
Horn, under Porter, in 1813.

The health of Preble had suffered materially in this
cruise, and he needed repose. He was offered the
Adams 28, then fitting out for the Mediterranean, but
felt himself bound to decline service at the moment.
It is much in favor of the impression made by Preble
at Washington, that he was retained at the reduction
of the navy, in 1801, though no opportunity for distin
guishing himself had occurred, and notwithstanding he
was absent at a most important moment, on so distant a

190 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

cruise. At that time there were twenty-eight captains
on the list, and seven commanders. The last were all
discharged ; but twelve of the former were at first re
tained, though the law directed that the number should
be reduced to nine. Preble was the twenty-first cap
tain before the reduction, and the ninth after it was
actually made. James Barron, Bainbridge and Camp
bell were his juniors. As Dale and Truxtun both re
signed the succeeding year, Barry died in 1803, and
Morris was dismissed, without a trial, by Mr. Jefferson,
in 1804, it brought, the list down to one less than the
number contemplated by the law, and left Preble the
fifth in rank in the service. At this time Stewart was
the senior lieutenant, and ought to have been promoted,
under the provisions of the reduction law, early in
1804, though he did not receive that act of justice
until two years later, having been made a commander,
however, without law, in 1804.

There may have been an additional reason for Pre-
ble's declining the Adams, as he was married in 1801,
being then just forty years of age. The woman of his
choice was Mary Deering, or Dering, the only daugh
ter of Nathaniel Dering, of Portland. This is an
ancient and honorable name in Massachusetts, and we
presume this lady was of the old stock ; at any rate,
she is known to have brought her husband a consider
able accession of fortune. Preble was now at ease in
his circumstances, and might have been excused for
quitting a service that offered so few inducements to
remain in it ; but he loved his profession, and, fortu
nately for his own reputation, he determined to con
tinue in service. In 1803, believing his health to be

EDWARD PREBLE. 191

sufficiently re-established, he reported himself as fit for
duty, and asked for service. In May he was attached
to the Constitution 44, Old Ironsides, as the ship is now
affectionately called, which was then lying at Boston,
and was about to be fitted out for the Mediterranean
station.

The Tripolitan war had been miserably mismanaged
since the peace with France. This was partly owing
to the narrow policy that reigned in the national legis
lation ; in some slight degree, perhaps, to the inexpe
rience of certain officers employed ; but most of all to
the extraordinary instructions with which Mr. Jefferson
had sent his cruisers to sea. As the Constitution vests
the power to declare war in Congress, and that body
had not directly exercised this authority in connection
with Tripoli, the government chose to act, in its legal
relations, as if America were not at war with the Ba
shaw, though everybody was willing to allow that the
Bashaw was at war with America ! In consequence of
these peculiar views of the restrictions imposed by the
Constitution, Dale had left home with instructions that
compelled one of his small vessels to release an enemy's
cruiser, after she had handsomely captured her in a
warm and bloody action. According to the earliest
notions of international rights, as limited by the Federal
Constitution, an American man-of-wrar possessed the
natural right to defend herself, but not the conventional
right to bring her assailant, when fairly overcome, into
port, unless by Act of Congress ! Had Mr. Jefferson
exercised the reasoning faculties he certainly possessed
in no small degree, he might have seen that the right
to capture ships on the high seas is purely an inter-

192 NA\AL BIOGRAPHY.

national, and not a mere national right, and that one
nation can, to all intents and purposes, make war,
though the consent of two may he necessary to re
establish peace. He made the capital mistake of sup
posing that the Constitution, in prescribing restraints
on the powers of the servants of the public, also con
templated restrictions on the rights of the nation ; it
being material for every people to possess the privilege
of defending themselves on equal terms, when assailed.

The indecision and uncertainty that such feeble and
unstatesman-like constructions of public law threw over
the operations of Dale, and, to a certain extent, over
those of Morris, had emboldened the enemy, and left
matters very much, in 1803, where they had been
found in 1801. A better feeling, however, began to
prevail at Washington ; and it was now resolved to
carry on the war with more of spirit and decision than
had hitherto been manifested. With this view, Preble
was ordered to hoist a broad pennant, and to take
charge of the squadron intended to assemble for duty in
the Mediterranean. This was a happy selection, and
might be taken as a pledge of the success that was to
follow.

But it was a far easier thing for the republic, in
1803, to resolve bravely in a matter of this sort, than to
carry out its resolutions with military promptitude.
The equipment of a single frigate was not always an
easy thing, and the collection of a squadron, though it
were even small, was a measure of serious moment.
In some respects, however, the service, was on the ad
vance, and care had been taken to construct several
small cruisers, a species of vessel of which there had been

EDWARD PREBLE. 193

but one in the navy since its last reduction, and which
was particularly needed for the purposes of blockading
close in. The force that was put under the orders of
Preble, on this occasion, consisted of the following ves
sels, viz : —

Constitution 44 — Com. Preble.

Philadelphia 38— Capt. Bainbridge.

Argus 16 — Lt. Com. Decatur.

Siren 16 — Lt. Com, Stewart.

Enterprise 12 — Lt. Com. Hull.

Nautilus 12 — Lt. Com. Somers.

Vixen 12 — Lt. Com. Smith.

These were all fine vessels of their respective classes,
and they were singularly well commanded. It is true,
the five last were of little use for serious attacks, but
they were the best craft that could be constructed for
the blockade of a town like Tripoli. As was usual in
that day, and in that service, they sailed from home as
each got ready. The Enterprise was already out on
the station, where she had been kept for some time,
being a vessel not to be spared. Hull was in charge
of her, but he being the second lieutenant in the navy,
as respects rank, Decatur was to carry the Argus, a
much heavier vessel, out to that officer, and to take the
Enterprise in exchange ; an arrangement that was sub
sequently effected.

Of the vessels belonging to Preble's squadron that
sailed from home, the Nautilus was the first that got to
sea. The schooner arrived at Gibraltar, July 27th,
1803. The Philadelphia reached the same place Au
gust 24th. The Constitution, wearing Pretye's pen
nant, left Boston, August 13th, and she anchored off the
VOL. i. 17

194 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

Rock, September 12th, The Vixen came in two days
later; the Siren October 1st, and the Argus was detained
until November 1st.

As the Philadelphia preceded the commodore by
nearly three weeks, Bainbridge, acting under his orders,
lost no time at the Rock, but commenced operations by
capturing a Moorish cruiser that he fell in with off Cape
de Gatt, and which had begun to commit depredations
on the American trade. Returning first to Gibraltar
with his prize, this officer proceeded aloft, after cruising
a short time in quest of a Moorish frigate that was said
to be just without the Straits. On her passage up the
Mediterranean, the Philadelphia must have passed the
New York 36, Com. Rodgers, and Adams 28, Capf.
Campbell, coming down to meet the relief squadron at
Gibraltar. This left nothing before Tripoli but the En
terprise, Lt. Com. Hull. Soon after the Vixen got
there, and was joined by Bainbridge in the Phila
delphia.

A little incident occurred, shortly after the arrival of
the Constitution at the Rock, that it may be well to
relate. The strict discipline of Preble, and his occa
sionally ungovernable temper, had made him any thing
but personally a favorite with his officers. While all
admitted his abilities as a commander, there were few
who did not complain of his temper, which, beyond a
question, was rendered worse by the peculiar disease
of wrhich he was the victim. One dark night, as the
ship was near the Straits, she was suddenly found to be
quite close to a strange vessel of war. The Constitu
tion mi^t have seen the stranger first, for she went to
quarters, and was ready to engage by the time she had

EDWARD PREBLE. 195

closed. The hailing now commenced, both vessels
appearing £> be more anxious to ask questions than to
answer them. Vexed with this delay, Preble ordered
the name of his ship and of his country to be commu
nicated to the other vesseJ, and to demand those of the
stranger, under the penalty of getting a shot, if the de
mand were refused. The stranger answered that he
would return a broadside for a shot. This was more
than Preble could bear ; he sprang up into the mizen
rigging himself, took a trumpet, and called out in a
clear, strong voice, "This is the United States ship
Constitution 44, Com. Edward Preble. I am about to
hail you for the last time ; if you do not answer, I shall
give you a broadside. What ship is that ? Blow your
matches, boys I" The stranger now answered — " This
is his Britannic Majesty's ship Donnegal, a razee of 60
guns." Preble declared he did not believe him, and that
he should stick by him until morning, to make certain of
his character. A boat, however, soon came from the
other vessel to explain. The stranger was the Maid-
stone frigate, and the Constitution had got alongside of
her so unexpectedly, that the delay in answering and
the false name had been given to gain time to clear
ship, and to get the people to their guns.

The spirit and firmness manifested by Preble, on this
occasion, produced a great revolution in his favor, among
the younger officers in particular. They saw he could
be as prompt with an English ship of war as he was
with them, and they had a saying, " If the old man's
temper is wrong, his heart is right." Such an incident,
in that day, when England was nearly what she claimed
to be, "mistress of the seas," would make a strong im-

196

NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

pression. It was not considered a trifle " to beard the
lion in his den." But Preble had served irfrthe Revo
lution, and, while he knew that an English ship was
usually to be respected, he also knew that she was far
from being invincible. It is a proof of the influence of
the current literature and newspaper opinions of the
day, that all the old officers of the Revolution had a far
less exalted idea of English prowess, at the commence
ment of the war of 1812, than the bulk of the population.

Preble met Rodgers at the Rock, as has been men
tioned, with two frigates under his orders. The
Nautilus, Lieut. Com. Somers, which had been giving
convoy aloft, also came in and joined. The state of
things with Morocco was such as to demand immediate
attention. There is little question that the Barbary
powers played into each other's hands, in their wars
with Christian states. In all their previous operations
against Tripoli, the Americans had been diverted from
the main object by the movements of the Moors, and
the Adams had been kept below, a long time, cruising
in the Straits, to watch the cruisers of the Emperor,
and two Tunisians that were lying at the Rock. Pre
ble resolved to leave every thing in his rear in a settled
state, and he made his dispositions accordingly.

Although Com. Rodgers was the senior officer, he
placed his ships at his successor's disposal, in the
handsomest manner. The Constitution, New York,
Adams and Nautilus went into the Bay of Tangiers,
accordingly, October 6th, and Preble immediately pre
sented his demands. He had an interview with the
Emperor, in person, and the negotiations, conducted
with moderation and firmness, resulted in a renewal of

EDWARD PREBLE. 197

the treaty of 1786. It is no more than justice toRodgers,
to say that his agency in this prompt demonstration was
both liberal and important. He was consulted, and
joined heart and hand in all that was negotiated and
done.

This important duty performed, Rodgers sailed for
home, and Preble gave all his attention to his important
duties up the Mediterranean. While he had been at
Tangiers, and during the time occupied about the
Straits, several of his small vessels had arrived.
JVearly his whole force, inde-ed, was collected at Gib
raltar, with the exception of the Philadelphia and
Enterprise. As the vessels aloft were commanded by
Bainbridge and Hull, not only was the single officer of
his own rank absent, but the two oldest men of his
squadron also. It was under such circumstances that
Preble caused his commanding officers to meet him, to
deliberate on future operations. This council, conse
quently, consisted of Preble himself, Stewart, Decatur,
Smith .and Somers. To these was added Col. Lear,
who had long been employed in Africa, and who had
certain powers to treat, at the proper moment. The
four gentlemen of the service, who thus met Preble,
almost for the first time, were all young in years, and
they held a rank no higher than that of lieutenants.
Preble had been very little known to the service, during
its brief existence of five years, which was all it then
possessed, his East India cruise having kept him much
out of sight in the French war, and his want of health
since. Of his six commanders, four, yiz., Bainbridge,
Somers, Decatur and Stewart, \yere all Philadelphia
seamen ; Smith was from South Carolina, and Hu.ll
17*

198 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

alone was from New England. In addition to these
circumstances, the commodore's reputation for severity
of discipline and a hot temper, was so well established,
as to produce little confidence and sympathy between
these young men and himself. The former fought shy
at the council, therefore, letting the commodore have
things very much in his own way. They fancied it
was their office to obey, and his to plan.

After his lieutenants commandant had withdrawn,
Preble and Lear remained alone together in the Con
stitution's cabin. The former seemed thoughtful and
melancholy, leaning his head on his arm, the latter
resting on a table. Lear, observing this, inquired if he
were unwell. " I have been indiscreet, Col. Lear,"
answered Preble, raising himself up to answer, "in
accepting this command. Had I known how I was
to be supported, I certainly should have declined it.
Government has sent me here a parcel of children, as
commanders of all my light craft." A year later, Lear
reminded Preble of this speech, and asked him if he
remembered it. " Perfectly well,' ' said Preble, smiling,
"but the children turned out to be good children."

Preble now sent off some of his small vessels, the
Vixen going up the Mediterranean to relieve the Enter
prise. He visited Cadiz in the Constitution on duty,
and returned to the Rock. On the 12th November he
gave a formal notification of the blockade of Tripoli, off
which town he supposed Bainbridge then to be, having
the Philadelphia, Vixen, &c., with him. On the 13th
he sailed for Algiers, where he put a consul on shore.
He then proceeded to Malta, which port he reached on
the 27th of the same month. Here he was met by

EDWARD PREBLE. 199

letters from Bainbridge, communicating the dishearten
ing intelligence of the loss of the Philadelphia. Some
rumors of this disaster had been heard lower down the
Mediterranean, but it was hoped they would prove not
to be true. This ship had run on a reef in chase, and
had been compelled to haul down her colors to the Tri-
politan gunboats. To render the calamity still more
poignant, the enemy succeeded in getting the frigate
off, and had carried her in triumph into their harbor,
where she now lay safely at anchor.

Preble keenly felt this loss in several points of view.
It was commencing his operations against the Bashaw
M'ith much the most serious reverse the infant navy of
the republic had then experienced. Although he could
have no direct personal connection with the affair, it had
occurred within his command, and more or less of the
misfortunes, as well as of the success of military opera
tions, is given by the world to him who is at the head
of affairs. Then, in losing Bainbridge, he lost his only
captain, and the man of all others to whom he would
naturally turn for counsel and support. The frigate,
moreover, was a very important part of his force, and
her loss was, in fact, the one thing that most impeded
his attaining complete success in his future operations.
Under all the circumstances of the case, the kind and
considerate manner with which he treated Bainbridge
does his heart much honor. Had his unfortunate bro
ther in arms been his brother in blood, Preble's letters
and conduct, in all respects, could riot have been more
friendly or delicate. That Bainbridge felt this, is ap
parent in his own correspondence, and it is probable
these two brave men had a just appreciation of each

200 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

other's intrinsic worth, in consequence of this common
misfortune. Every thing that lay in Treble's power
was done to alleviate the sufferings of the captives, and
the utmost attention appears to have been bestowed on
all their wants, so far as the command of funds and the
exercise of a distant authority could go. In a word, no
thing was omitted that it lay in the commodore's power
to perform.

Preble, however, was not a man to waste his time in
useless regrets. He sailed immediately for Syracuse,
which port he reached on the 28th. His object in go
ing into Sicily was to establish a point of rendezvous,
and to open negotiations with the authorities of that
island for certain aids that he now felt would be neces
sary for executing his plans. While these preliminary
steps were in progress, the commodore disposed of his
force in the best manner to protect the trade, and sailed
for Tripoli in the Constitution, having the Enterprise
in company. The vessels quitted Syracuse on the 17th
December, and on the 23d the schooner, which was now
commanded by Decatur, captured a ketch that was car
rying female slaves from the Bashaw as a present to the
Porte.

Preble had a double object in going off Tripoli, on
that occasion. By showing his force before the town
he encouraged the captives, and he gave his enemies
reason to respect him. But the principal motive was
to reconnoitre the place in person, in order to direct his
future movements with a greater degree of intelligence.
An active correspondence was kept up with Bainbridge,
who suggested many useful hints as to different modes
of annoying the enemy. One letter of Bainbridge,

EDWARD PREBLE. 201

bearing date December 5th, certainly suggested the
practicability of destroying the Philadelphia, as she lay
at her anchor, in the harbor of Tripoli. Preble bore all
these things in mind, and he examined the position of
the ship, the castle, batteries, &c., for himself. When
he had been off the port a few days, it came on to blow
heavily from the north-east, and he was admonished
of the necessity of quitting that inhospitable coast, in
that which was the worst month in the year. The
Constitution and Enterprise accordingly returned to
Syracuse.

It is probable that the thought of destroying the Phil
adelphia was first suggested by Bainbridge, though it
has been claimed for both Preble and Decatur. It is
not unlikely that such an idea should suggest itself to
different minds simultaneously. It is certain that Pre
ble did not risk any of his officers and men in such an
enterprise, without calculating all its chances. One of
Preble's characteristic traits was the great care he be
stowed on all his preparations to insure success. It
Will be seen, as we proceed, that he wasted no ti$ne in
useless parade, but, on the contrary, having taken a
look at his enemy, he paid him no unnecessary visits
until he was ready to go to work in earnest. Twice
more only did he see Tripoli, until he came with his
whole force to bombard the place. All the previous
commanders had cruised, more or less, in front of the-
town, occasionally engaging a battery? or assaulting
small convoys, and, in one instance, in making an
abortive attempt at cannonading ; but Preble did none
of this. He ascertained his wants, supplied the defi
ciencies in the best manner he could, and when the

202 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

moment arrived, he applied his means with an intelli
gence and activity that showed he possessed the quali
ties of a great commander. The world, which sees
little beyond victory or defeat, seldom fully appreciates
the care, forethought and labor with which armaments
are made, particularly at distant points and with im
perfect means.

To whomsoever may belong the credit of suggesting
the plan of burning the Philadelphia, to Preble belongs
the merit of assuming the responsibility of ordering it,
as well as of pointing out as many of the details as was
consistent with a discreet exercise of authority, in an
affair of such a nature. When the scheme was origi
nally agitated between him and Decatur, as was pro
bably the case while they were, for the first time, off
Tripoli in company, the latter offered to make the at
tempt with his own schooner. This Preble thought too
hazardous, and he turned his attention to the ketch
which had fallen into his hands in the late cruise.
The advantages offered by the possession of this vessel
were^not to be thrown away. She was of Mediter
ranean rig, and Mediterranean construction throughout,
and might appear in the offing without exciting any
distrust as to her intentions. All this was foreseen by
Preble, and his instructions to his subordinates met,
with great precision, the very contingency which oc
curred when this nicely arranged plan was carried into
execution.

When every thing was ready, Preble issued his
orders, February 3d, to Stewart and Decatur, and those
two gallant officers sailed immediately. If it were a
trait in Preble to make every provision to insure sue-

EDWARD PREBLE, 203

cess, it was another to enter into all the hopes and
anxieties of those who were embarked in the enter
prises he had directed. He was calm to the eye, but
he felt the anxiety natural to his temperament, while
the brig and ketch were absent. The delay was much
greater than had been anticipated, in consequence of a
gale of wind, which drove the adventurers from the
mouth of the harbor itself, where they had anchored,
and where Decatur had sent a boat to examine the lit
tle entrance to the port. The uncertainty lasted more
than a fortnight, the two vessels being absent fifteen
days. At length the long-expected craft hove in sight,
and Preble soon had the pleasure of seeing the signal
of success flying on board the Siren. The Sicilians,
who were also at war with Tripoli, received the con
querors with as much delight as the Americans them
selves, firing salutes and rending the air with shouts.

This success was of great moment to the future pros
pects of Preble. The Turks, though known to be in
different gunners, and no very excellent seamen, were
of sturdy frame, bold enough in battle, and had fearful
reputations for their prowess in hand-to-hand conflicts.
Every sea officer was cautious about letting these
bloody-minded sabrcurs get over his plank sheer ; but
here had Decatur met him at his own play, and proved
that the Christian was the better man. Then the
stigma of the frigate's loss (for in war misfortune ever
leaves a reproach) was wiped out by the gallant man
ner of her re-capture, and her subsequent destruction.
Among those who understand that it takes a man of a
certain degree of military resolution even to order an
enterprise of this daring, Preble's connection with the

204 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

attack on the Philadelphia was fully appreciated. It
is highly probable that his own equally gallant exploit
in the Penobscot was present to his mind when he first
thought of this enterprise, and influenced him to decide
in its favor.

As the season was advancing, and the important
point of the destruction of the Philadelphia was dis
posed of, Preble now began to turn his attention still
more earnestly toward making his preparations for the
approaching summer. He sent Stewart, in the Siren,
again off Tripoli to blockade, having Somers in the
Nautilus under his orders ; and these vessels were, in
due time, relieved by others, so as to maintain a force
at all times before the town. On the 2d of March the
commodore took the Constitution to Malta, where he
had business of importance, and, the run being short,
on the 21st he went off Tripoli the second time. While
he was there, the Nautilus captured a man-of-war built
brig, that pretended to be an English privateer, but
which in truth was a Tripolitan, and was intended to
cruise against Americans. Preble sent her to Syra
cuse, where she was appraised, manned, and put into
the service, by the name of the Scourge. She was
given to Lt. Dent, who had been acting captain of
Preble's own ship. On the 27th, a flag was sent
ashore with letters for the prisoners.

After remaining a few days before Tripoli, again re-
connoitering, Preble sailed for Tunis, though not with
out experiencing another very heavy gale of wind,
anchoring before that town, with the Siren in company,
April 4th. The reader will better understand the ar
duous nature of Preble's duties, when he is reminded

EDWARD PREBLE. 205

that he was now left with a single frigate and six small
vessels, his prize included, to hold in check all the
Barbary powers, which were more or less leagued to
gether, and to carry on the war with Tripoli. He had
awed Morocco by his early course, but Tunis was very
troublesome, and menaced a war from day to day.
His immediate predecessor in command had been given
a force of no less than five frigates and one small ves
sel to perform the same duty. No better idea can be
formed of the nature of the commodore's duties, and of
the energy with which he discharged them, however,
than to give a brief summary of his movements at this
juncture, as well as of their objects.

It has been seen that Preble reached Tunis on the
4th of April. On the 7th he sailed, in a gale of wind,
and reached Malta on the 12th. On the 14th he left
Malta, and next day went into Syracuse. Here he
was detained five days, sailing again on the 20th. He
touched at Malta on the 29th ; anchored once more at
Tunis, May 2d ; left it next day for Naples, where he
arrived on the 9th. His business at this place was to
obtain gun-boats for attacking Tripoli ; the negotiation
being successful. Preble procuring an order from the
King of the Two Sicilies for both bomb vessels and
gun-boats, on the 19th he sailed for Messina, where he
arrived on the 25th. Here he selected two bomb ves
sels and six gun-boats. The latter he manned imme
diately, and, on the 30th, he sailed with them for Syra
cuse, getting in next day. Leaving the Sicilian vessels
to be altered and equipped, Preble sailed again from
Syracuse on the 4th of June, and anchored at Malta on the
5th ; on the 9th he again sailed for Tripoli. The ob-

VOL. i. 18

206 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

ject of this third visit was to treat for the liberation of
the prisoners, previously to commencing serious opera
tions, it being uncertain what might otherwise be the
influence on their fate. The effort was fruitless, but
supplies were sent to Bainbridge, whose condition was
much alleviated in consequence.

Mr. O'Brien had been sent ashore, to treat for ran
som, on the 13th June, and on the 14th Preble sailed
once more for Tunis, with the Argus and Enterprise in
company. The consul had sent him information that
the Bey was in an ill humor, and required looking after.
The vessels reached Tunis Bay on the 19th. On the
22d, Preble, satisfied his visit would produce its effect,
sailed for Syracuse, touching at Malta on the 24th, and
arriving on the 25th. The 28th was employed in
sending money and clothing to Bainbridge, and on the
29th he sailed for Messina, arriving July 1st. On the
8th the Nautilus left Messina for Syracuse, with the
two bomb vessels under convoy, and on the 9th the
commodore followed, in the Constitution, which ship
got in the day she sailed. July 14th, Preble sailed
from Syracuse for Malta, with the bomb vessels and
gun-boats in company ; where he anchored on the 16th.
Here he completed his arrangements, and sailed with
every thing he could collect for Tripoli, on the 21st,
arriving in sight of the place on the 25th July, 1S04.

By recurring to this brief account, the following re
sults will be discovered. Between the 2d of March
and the 25th of July are one hundred and forty-five
days ; in this interval Preble put to sea nineteen differ
ent times, as often reaching his point of destination,
besides calling off Malta once, without anchoring.

EDWARD PREBLE. 207

Although he actually brought up on every one of these
entrances into harbors, his visits to Tripoli excepted,
on which occasion the ship was usually kept free of the
ground, he passed seventy-four days at anchor, and
nearly as many under his canvas. The average time
of his stops in port was less than four days ; his long
est detention was at Malta, fourteen days, where he
went for supplies, and when he was not the master of
his own time. Deduct this detention, as in fact ought
to be done, to form a proper estimate of the character
we wish to exhibit, with ten days passed at Naples,
negotiating for the gun-boats, when he had to wait for
the movements of royalty, and but fifty days will re
main for nineteen visits to port, or less than three days
for each visit. It may be questioned if any ship of the
Constitution's size was ever more actively employed
on duty of a similar nature. We know of no better
illustration of Preble's real character, than this history
of the movements of his ship for those four months and
a half. Decision, combination, energy, unwearied ac
tivity, and a clear comprehension of every one of his
duties, are apparent in all he did. Nor was the main
object, of holding the Tripoli tans completely in check
the while, forgotten. Their town was vigorously
blockaded the whole time, and when Preble arrived
with his assembled force, the people were already be
ginning to feel the effects of having their commerce
destroyed.

It is worthy of remark, that Preble resorted to no
spurious warfare, in all his preliminary measures. On
his several calls off Tripoli, he had specific objects in
view, and these he accomplished without any menaces

208

NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

or parade. We cannot find that the Constitution even
scaled her guns against the place, or that Preble fired
a single shot at the enemy, from his own ship, until he
came prepared to make war on a scale as large as the
means furnished by his own government would at all
permit. It might be added, even larger, as he had
materially increased those means by his own resources,
while he was on the station.

Preble found himself, on the 25th July, before Tri
poli, with fifteen sail, including every thing he could
collect, viz., one frigate, three brigs, three schooners,
two bomb vessels and six gun-boats. On estimating
this force, it will be found that the Americans had at
command six long 26s, twenty-two long 24s, a few long
12-pounders on the Constitution's quarter-deck and fore
castle, with something like twenty light chase guns,
counting all in broadside. In other words, it was in
Preble's power to bring about twenty-eight long heavy
guns to bear on the castle, batteries, &c., at once, with
something like twenty long light guns, 6s, 9s and 12s.
The carronades could only be of use as against the
enemy's gunboats and other craft. The long 26s men
tioned were guns procured by Preble in Sicily, and
were mounted in the Constitution's waist, three of a
side. Altogether, the Americans had 1060 souls pre
sent.

The means of the Bashaw were infinitely more for
midable. In addition to the advantage of fighting be
hind solid masonry, he had 118 guns in battery, most
of which were heavy, and nineteen gun-boats, that of
themselves threw a weight of shot almost equal to the
frigate's broadside. In addition, he had a brig, two

EDWARD PREBLE. 209

schooners and two large galleys in the port, all of which
were armed and fully manned. As for men, however,
there was no want of them ; the Bashaw's troops, in
cluding all sorts, amounting, as was thought, to a num
ber between twenty and thirty thousand ; a large force
having been collected from the interior for the defence
of the place.

Preble was not able to come to an anchor until the
28th. This was hardly done before it came on to blow
fresh from the northward, and the whole squadron was
compelled to weigh, and to claw off shore. It was
thought at one time the gun-boats would have been
towed under, but luckily the wind hauled, a circum
stance which allowed less sail to be carried. The wind
continued to freshen, proving how wisely Preble had
acted, and, on the 31st, it blew fearfully; so violently,
indeed, as to take the frigate's reefed courses out of the
bolt-ropes. There would have been no hopes for the
miserable little craft that had been obtained in Sicily,
had not the wind continued to haul, until it made the
coast a weather-shore, which gave them smooth water.
On the 31st, the weather moderated, and the commo
dore was enabled to collect his scattered vessels.

Owing to all these disadvantages, it was August 3d,
before Preble got again in front of Tripoli. By that
time the enemy had sent two divisions of his gun-boats
outside of a line of rocks that stretches from the little
entrance of the harbor quite near the galley-mole, for a
mile diagonally to seaward. No part of this reef, how
ever, lay beyond complete protection from the fire of all
the works, so far as that fire was efficient in itself. As
18*

210 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

has been mentioned, these craft were separated in two
divisions, one lying near the eastern, or main entrance
into the harbor, which was in a great measure formed
by these rocks, aided by a natural indentation in the
coast, and the other near the western or little entrance,
so often mentioned, and which has since become memo
rable from the explosion of the ketch Intrepid, which
subsequently occurred at, or near, this point. A third
division lay just within the rocks, as a reserve, but so
placed as to be able to fire through their openings. The
galleys were there also. These two divisions lay about
half a mile asunder. There is no question that the
Tripolitans, judging of the future by the past, fancied
that this disposition of their floating force would keep
their vessels inside from suffering by the fire of the
Amerkan shipping. Their galleys and remaining gun
boats lay just within the reef, quite within supporting
distance. Preble did not anchor, but a little after noon
he laid his own ship's head off shore, distant about a
league from the town, and showed a signal for every
thing to pass within hail. Each commander received
his orders according to previous instructions, the whole
duty being conducted with singular regularity and pre
cision. The small vessels manned the gun-boats and
bomb vessels, and in one hour every thing and every
body were reported ready. The Constitution then
wore round, and stood in toward the town, leading the
whole squadron. Half an hour later the gun-boats cast
off, and formed in front of the sea-going craft. This
was no sooner done than Preble made the signal to en
gage. Every thing advanced, the gun-boats covered
by the light cruisers, and the bomb vessels began to

EDWARD PREBLE. 211

throw shells. The batteries replied, and then the
smaller shipping on both sides joined in.

Preble had ordered Decatur and' Somers, who com
manded the American gun-boats, to attack the division
of the enemy that lay near the main or eastern entrance
to the harbor. There were six large gun-boats at this
point, and they were the farthest to windward as well
as the most remote from support, though quite within
range of shot from all parts of the works.

Decatur's division of boats, three in number, being
to windward in the American line, could fetch into the
point aimed, while one boat belonging to Somers's divi
sion did the same ; but Somers himself in one boat, and
Lt. Bainbridge in another, both of the leeward division,
were not able to close to windward, and they turned on
the enemy to leeward. One of Decatur's divisions,
however, did not close in consequence of some mistake
in a signal. The desperate and remarkable conflict
that followed among these gun-boats has been already
described by us, and will be again in our sketch of
Decatur's life, with farther details, and we shall conse
quently pass over it here. It is known that three of the
Tripolitans were boarded, and brought out of their line,
while the remaining boats were driven in behind the
rocks under the cover of their own batteries.

While this bloody hand-to-hand conflict was going
on close in with the rocks, the brigs and schooners en
gaged the division to leeward, and the division inside
the rocks, assisted by Somers in his single boat, who
had no other means to prevent his vessel from drifting
in among the enemy, than to keep a few sweeps back
ing her off, throwing grape, canister and musket-balls

212

NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

The accompanying plate will give a tolerably accurate notion of
this day's work. No. 1 is the Constitution hove to ; No. 2 are the
American brigs and schooners ; No. 3 is Somers ; No. 4, Bain-
bridge ; No. 5, Decatur attacking the enemy ; No. 6, Tripolitan
gun-boats; No. 7, Tripolitan galleys, &c. The bomb ketches
were too far to the westward to be brought into the plate.

EDWARD PREBLE. 213

the whole time, in showers, upon the Turks. Once or
twice the division inside manifested an intention to pass
through the opening, and come out to the assistance of
their brethren, but the grape and canister of the brigs
and schooners as often drove them back. These move
ments were distinct and methodical, and each time the
repulse was the' result of signals from Preble himself,
who did his duty nobly that day as a commander-in-
chief, having his eye on all parts of the line, and
neglecting nothing. The Constitution was engaged
early, and her own fire was kept up with a vigor that
has often been the subject of praise. She seemed to
control the fight, moving along just within range of
grape, as the deity of the combat. She silenced all the
nearer batteries as she passed them, though they opened
again as soon as she was out of range. We have heard
a gentleman, who was then one of the prisoners in Tri
poli, describe the enthusiasm excited among them by
the daring and cool manner in which Preble handled
his own ship on this occasion. They had but a single
window, in the castle where they were confined, which
commanded a view of only a part of the scene of action,
the end of the rocks where Decatur engaged being out
of sight; but they beheld enough to fill them all with
exultation and delight. When the Constitution was seen
standing in, she was deliberately shortening sail, with
the men on the yards, and every thing going on as re
gularly as if about to anchor in a friendly port. Then
she edged off and let the Turks have it. In the course
of the action, the ship suffered a good deal, principally
aloft. Preble himself bad a very narrow escape, a shot
coming in through a stern-port as the frigate was waring,

214 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

for this was the time when the Turks vented all their
spite on her, and there' is little doubt it would have cut
the commodore in two, had it not struck the breech of a
quarter-deck gun, and broken into fragments. Luckily
it did no other damage than to wound a marine, though
the fragments flew about a quarter-deck that was filled
with men. The ship had a heavy shot through her
mainmast, and her main-royal yard shot away. She
met with a good deal of other damage, though it was
principally aloft.

After covering the retreat of his bomb-vessels, gun
boats and prizes, with the Constitution, Preble hauled
off among the Jast, and rendezvoused, with all his force,
beyond the range of shot. His commanders then re
paired on board the flag-ship to make their reports,
receive their orders, and to learn, in that centre of in
telligence, the incidents and casualties of the day. It
was now that a scene occurred which it will not do to
pass over in silence, inasmuch as it is closely connected
with the personal character of the subject of this me
moir, delineating his good, as well as his bad qualities.
Preble had made his disposition for this attack with great
care and preparation, and he anticipated from it even
more important results than it had actually produced.
In placing six of his gun-boats so near the eastern en
trance of the harbor, while the rest were either within
the reef, or half a mile distant, his enemy had made a
very judicious disposition of his force, to contend against
attacks similar to those which had hitherto been made
on the place in the course of this war ; but one that was
very injudicious, when operations directed by Preble
and executed by Decatur were to be resisted. The

EDWARD PREBLE. 215

commodore felt sure of seizing all these boats, and there
is little question that his hopes would have heen realized
but for unforeseen accidents. Somers had got a little
too far to leeward, his boat was an indifferent sailer, and
he and Bainbridge were prevented from fetching into
this division, and were compelled to engage to leeward,
as has been seen, which they did in the most gallant
manner. A third boat, one that belonged to Decatur's
own division, did not close at all, engaging at a distance ;
her commander justifying his course on a subsequent
inquiry, by showing that a signal of recall had been
made from the frigate. Such a signal had actually
been hoisted by mistake, though it was only for a
moment, and it is probable the fact served to' increase
Treble's dissatisfaction. The six gun-boats procured
from the Neapolitans were of only twenty-five tons each,
and were fit for nothing but harbor duty, while those of
the Tripolitans were much -larger, and were built to be
used on the coast. Thus, those that were compelled
to remain in the offing were built principally to remain
inside, while those that were compelled to remain inside
would have done perfectly well in the offing. The six
boats mentioned would, consequently, have been a very
important acquisition to the blockading and assaulting
force ; and Preble, properly appreciating the daring
and enterprise of Decatur and his companions, believed
that in sending his six small boats against this division
he would become master of the whole of it. These
boats, too, were the only trophies of his victory, the
effect of his attack on the batteries, and the rest of the
shipping, being less apparent and less captivating to the
public eye.

216 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

Decatur's exploit, in itself, was one of the most extra
ordinary and brilliant in naval annals, but it had obtained
only half of the anticipated success. As a commander-
in-chief Preble looked to results, and in these he had
been keenly disappointed. It is probable, moreover,
that his mind and senses had been too much occupied
with the other portions of the stirring scene of that day,
to leave him master, by means of his own observations,
of the precise difficulties with which Decatur had to
contend, or the supremely gallant manner in which he
had overcome them.

Preble was in the frame of mind that such circum
stances would be likely to produce on a temperament
naturally so fiery, and with that temperament undoubt
edly much aggravated by the disease which so soon
after terminated his life, when Decatur appeared on the
quarter-deck of the Constitution to report his acts, and
to learn the news, like most of the rest of the command
ers. The young man was in a roundabout, or in his
fighting gear, just as he had come out of the combat ;
his face begrimed with powder, armed to the teeth, and
with his breast covered with the blood that had flown
from a wound received in his celebrated encounter with
the captain of one of the two boats he had taken, almost
as it might be with his own hand. At such a moment,
Decatur was the centre of observation of all on the quar
ter-deck of Old Ironsides. He approached Preble in a
quiet way, and said, " Well, commodore, I have brought
you out three of the gun-boats." To Decatur's astonish
ment, and doubtless to that of all who witnessed this
extraordinary scene, Preble seized his young subordi
nate with both hands by the collar, shook him violently,

EDWARD PREBLE. 217

as one would shake an offending boy, and cried bitterly —
"Ay, sir, why did you not bring me more?" At the
next instant Preble turned, and disappeared in his own
cabin.

The whole thing had been so sudden, was so very
different from what everybody had anticipated, and was
of a character so very unusual for the quarter-deck of
a ship of war, that all who witnessed it were astounded.
Decatur himself was strongly excited and indignant, and
it is said he made a spontaneous movement with one
hand for the dirk he wore in his bosom. Then he
ordered his boat, and was about to quit the ship. Had
he been permitted to leave the Constitution in that
frame of mind, it is probable that consequences of a very
unpleasant character would have followed. Decatur
was then a captain in rank, though he did not learn the
fact until four days later, and his equality of commission
would have been very likely to render the difficulty
more serious. Down to that moment, however, he had
been accustomed to regard Preble as one much his
superior in degree ; and it is not easy to impress on
laymen the influence that rank possesses in the military
professions.

The older officers present crowded around Decatur,
and entreated him to pause, and above all not to leave
the Constitution at that moment. They reminded him
of the notoriously fiery temper of the commodore, and
assured him that no one would be more sorry for what
had just occurred than Preble himself, as soon as he re
covered his self-possession. They called to his recol
lection that, to use their own expression, while they
" despised him for his temper," they all respected the

VOL. I. 19

218

NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

commodore's qualities as a commander, and even his
justice in his cooler moments. Decatur was still in
suspense surrounded by his friends and old messmates,
when the cabin steward came to say, " Com. Preble
wished to see Capt. Decatur below." After a mo
ment's hesitation, Decatur complied, as indeed he was
bound to do ; such a request being usually considered
as an order on board a man-of-war, coming from a su
perior to an inferior. In a few minutes, an officer who
could presume on his rank, and who felt uneasy at
leaving the two together, descended also to the cabin. He
found Preble and Decatur seated very amicably, within
a few feet of each other, both silent, and both in tears !
Explanations and apologies had doubtless been made
by Preble, and from that moment all was forgotten. It
is to the credit of both parties, that the occurrence ap
pears to have left no rankling in the breast of either,
each ever after doing full justice to the merit of the other.
Decatur, indeed, was one of Preble's warmest friends,
and so continued to the hour of the latter's death.
: Notwithstanding the attack of the 3d August fell
short in its results of Preble's expectations, there is lit
tle doubt that it produced a deep impression on the
Turks. The gun-boats of the latter trusted themselves
no more outside of the reef, and they got to be so shy
that they would retire as soon as they found the Ameri-
'dan boats coming within the range of musket-balls.
The Bashaw perceived that he had a vigorous leader
1b oppose, and his notions of impunity, living where he
did in his castle within massive walls, were materially
impaired.
1 As for Preble, he pursued his operations with cha-

EDWARD PREBLE. 219

racteristic vigor. The 4th, 5th and 6th, were em*
ployed in altering the rig- of the captured boats, and in
preparing them to be brought into line for future ser
vice. They were numbered 7, 8 and 9, and given to
Lts. Crane, Caldweli and Thorn.* Early on the morn
ing of the 7th, Preble made a signal for all the light
vessels to weigh, when they proceeded to take stations
that had been pointed out to them respectively. The
action did not commence until half-past two, when the
mortar vessels and the gun-boats opened on the bat
teries and town ; the latter with good effect, though the
bombs, from some defect in their filling, as well as from
the bad qualities of the vessels, never appeared to be
of much service. The Tripolitan galleys and gun
boats made a demonstration toward passing the rocks to
come out and attack the American gun-boats, but the
latter were covered by the Siren and Vixen, while the
frigate, with one or two of the other vessels, lay to
windward in a position to overawe them. On one oc
casion this day. Stewart in the Siren manifested an in
tention to close with the enemy's galleys without a
signal, for which he afterward received a stern rebuke
from the commodore, who was disposed to hold his
whole command in hand, like a skilful coachman ma
naging his team. It was almost as unsafe to rush into
the fight without orders from Preble, as it would have
been to run away. In a word, he was a comrnander-in-
chief, and did all the duties of that responsible station
as much in battle as at any other time.

It was in this attack that No. 8, Lt. Caldweli, blew

* It is singular that the two last of these officers were blown up,
at an interval of six years between the events.

220 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

up. The calamity occurred when the cannonading
had lasted only an hour, but it had no effect whatever
on Preble's operations. Every thing proceeded as if
no such calamity had occurred, and it did not in the
least lessen the weight of the American fire. He al
lowed the action to continue two hours longer, when,
their ammunition being expended, he called the gun
boats off by signal. This was a hard day's work for
those who were in the gun-boats, the latter suffering
considerably, besides losing one of their number by the
explosion. That evening Preble was joined by the
John Adams 28, Capt. Chauncy, direct from home.
This ship, however, could not be brought within range
of the batteries, having placed her guns in her hold,
and the carriages in other vessels, in order to convey
stores to the squadron already on the station.

The arrival of the John Adams produced a short
pause in Preble's activity. Since the two attacks, the
Bashaw had become more disposed to treat, and Preble,
in consequence of learning through his despatches, that
a strong squadron would be likely to appear in a few
days, thought it would be more in conformity with his
duty to renew the negotiations. The result, however,
was not fortunate. The Bashaw had commenced by
demanding a thousand dollars a man, ransom, and the
customary tribute in future. He now fell in his de
mands to five hundred dollars a man, ransom, and
waived the claim to future tribute altogether. Preble
would not accede to even these terms, as he hoped the
appearance of the relief squadron would compel the
Tripolitans to make peace on the conditions usually re
cognised by civilized nations.

EDWARD PREBLE. 221

During this informal truce, Preble had a very nar
row escape. On the night of the 9th, he went on
board the Argus, and directed Capt. Hull to run close
in with the rocks, in order that he might reconnoitre
the state of the port. This was done, but the vessel
being seen, was fired at by the batteries, and a heavy
shot raked her bottom for several feet, glancing under
water, and ripping the plank out for half its thickness.
An inch or two of variation in the direction of this
shot, would have sent the brig to the bottom in a very
few minutes ; the injury having been between wind
and water, and of a nature that scarcely admitted of any
remedy at the moment.

Preble waited in vain for the appearance of the
squadron, which Chauncy had told him he might
hourly expect, until the 16th, when he determined to
renew his operations with the means he possessed.
Despatching the Enterprise to Malta, with directions to
have water sent to the squadron, he ordered Decatur
and Chauucy to reconnoitre as close in as was prudent,
in boats. These officers found that the gun-boats and
galleys of the enemy were moored in a line between
the mole and the castle, so as to form a defence to the
inner harbor, or galley-mole, being flanked and other
wise supported themselves by the works. An attack
would have been made the day that succeeded this re-
connoitering, but a gale of wind coming on from the
northward, the squadron was obliged to quit its anchors.
When it had obtained an offing and was ]yi«g-to, it
fell in with the supplies from Malta, and learned that
no intelligence had been received from the expected
reinforcement. This last information caused Preble to
19*

NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

decide that he would continue his operations with his
own limited means.

It was the 24th, however, before the weather per
mitted the squadron to stand in again toward the town.
The Constitution anchored in the evening just without
the drop of the enemy's shot, and sent her boats to tow
the bomb-vessels to their stations. Shells were thrown
most of the night, the enemy not returning a gun.
There is no doubt that the vessels were anchored too
far off' from their object, and that few of their missiles
reached the points aimed at.

On the 28th, Preble issued his orders for a combined
attack by his whole force. On this occasion, the com
modore determined to leave his bomb-vessels out of the
affair, and to go to work with solid shot, and as close
aboard as he could get. The gun-boats proceeded to
their stations by midnight, so that they were soon close
in with the rocks at the eastern entrance, where they
had a partial protection under the reef, well assured
the enemy's small craft would not dare to come near
them, after the lesson they had received in the affair
of the 3d. The gun-boats were covered by the Argus,
Siren, Enterprise, Vixen, and Nautilus. Here the
former anchored, and opened a heavy fire on the ship
ping and works. At daylight the Constitution weighed
and stood in, the enemy's batteries immediately turning
most of their attention on her, as the largest and most
formidable of their assailants. Preble found his own
eight gun-boats quite closely engaged with the sixteen
that were left to the enemy, as well as with their gal
leys, and apprised that little ammunition remained in
his own flotilla, he ordered it, by signal, to withdraw,

EDWARD PREBLE. 223

while he occupied the attention of its foes with his own
ship. The frigate soon sank one gun-boat, drove two
on shore and scattered the rest.

Preble did not haul off when this important service
was rendered, but stood on until he was within musket-
shot of the mole, where he backed his top-sail and lay
near an hour, giving and taking, until all his small craft
were safely out of harm's way. This was probably
the hottest affair that had yet occurred. All the ves
sels were more or less injured aloft, and many grape
struck the frigate ; still the latter had not a man hurt !
The Constitution lost shrouds, back-stays, trusses,
spring-stays, lifts, and a great deal of running rigging
was cut, while her hull received very little damage.
The Tripolitans suffered a good deal, and, among other
accidents that happened on shore, Capt. Bainbridge was
near being killed by one of the shot of his countrymen,
which penetrated his prison, covering him with stones
and debris.

No further attack occurred until the 3d September,
the interval having been employed in preparations.
The enemy had not been idle, but had got up three of
their boats which had been sunk in the previous affairs,
and had added to their means of defence in other re
spects. They had also learned some lessons from ex
perience. Instead of remaining in front of the town
to await the assault, a position which took every shot
that missed them into the place itself, they got under
way the moment they saw the Americans in motion,
and worked up to the weather side of their own harbor,
under Fort English and another battery in its neigh
borhood, where they had also the benefit of some ex-

224 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

tensive shoals to protect them against the brigs and
schooners.

This new disposition of the enemy's force compelled
Preble to make a corresponding change in the dispo
sition of his own. The only point favorable for bom
barding was more to the westward, while the enemy's
flotilla lay to the eastward. The commodore deter
mined, therefore, to send all his light vessels to engage
the Tripolitan flotilla, while he undertook the office of
covering the bomb-vessels on himself. It having been
ascertained that the range of the mortars was less than
had been supposed, the two vessels were anchored
nearer than on the former occasions, which left them a
good deal exposed to the fire of the batteries.

Decatur, who was now a captain, commanded to
windward and pressed the enemy closely. The Tripo-
litans stood his assault until the musketry began to tell,
when they retired more up the harbor. A part of the
American boats pressed the retreating flotilla, while the
rest, covered by the brigs and schooners, engaged the
works to windward.

Preble now stood in with the frigate to cover his
mortar vessels, and running quite near the rocks he
hove to, at a point whence he could bring his broad
side to bear on all the principal works ; but, at a point
also where no less than seventy guns, principally those
that were heavy, could, and did bear on him. The
fire of Old Ironsides on this occasion greatly surpassed
that of any previous attack, and was quite, in propor
tion to the exposed position she was compelled to oc
cupy. Preble threw more than three hundred round
shot at the enemy, besides quantities of grape and

EDWARD PREBLE. 225

canister, before he left his position, having previously
directed the small vessels to retire.

In the affair of the 3d, the gun-boats were an hour
in action, during which time they threw four hundred
round shot at the enemy ; averaging among the eight
the large number of fifty shot for each gun. When
the American squadron returned home, a Spanish
nominal six-and-twenty, that belonged to one of the
Tripolitan prizes, was shown, which was said to have
been loaded and fired in this action near seventy times,
as fast as it could be spunged, rammed home, and
touched off. The small vessels all suffered more or
less aloft, as a matter of course, and the Argus received
some damage in her hull. The bomb- vessels were
much crippled : one of them was near sinking, and she
had all her rigging cut away. Preble was much
pleased with the conduct of the whole squadron in this
affair.

The Constitution was much exposed in the affair of
the 3d September, and she did not escape altogether
with impunity, though it was wonderful that she was
so little injured. Her own heavy fire probably alone
protected her from very serious damage. When it is
remembered that she was opposed to quite double the
number of guns she could herself bring to bear in broad
side, and that these guns were fought behind masonry,
the reader will at once understand the odds with which
she had to contend. Although some recent events that
have occurred in conflicts between the fleets of the most
civilized nations of Europe and the water batteries of
semi-civilized, if not of semi-barbarous nations, may
lead the public mind astray on such matters, no truths

226 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

of this nature are better established than the facts that
ships cannot fight forts where there is a just proportion
between their respective forces, as well as equality in
other respects, and that forts cannot stop ships under
similar circumstances.

In addition to this general truth, Preble was obliged
to fight his ship under marked disadvantages. The
power of a ship in conflicts with batteries on the shore,
is best exhibited when she can lie so close as to enable
her concentrated fire to tell, and it is for this reason that
the seaman always wishes to get his vessel as near to
the work he is to attack, as possible. Could the Con
stitution have been placed in close contact with any
single work in Tripoli, there is little question that the
close discharge of the thirty guns she then carried in
broadside, would have soon demolished that particular
work, while the enemy could have brought only some
eight or ten guns, at most, to bear on her. But several
reasons existed why Preble could not profit by this
peculiar mode of securing advantages to vessels. It
would not have done to risk his single ship, situated as
he was at such a distance from home, in so close a
struggle with an enemy so powerful. Then the reef
so often mentioned, reduced him to the necessity either
of coming to very close quarters within it, or of giving
the castle, Fort English, and the other batteries of the
Tripolitans, the great advantage of cannonading him at
the distance of about a mile ; the very range for shot
that such works would choose in repelling an attack
from a ship, since their own missiles would penetrate
wood, while those of the vessel would produce a very
diminished effect on stone walls. In addition, a vessel

EDWARD PREBLE. 227

at that distance, lying in front, would probably be ex
posed to most of the fire of the place, at the same
moment.

On the 3d September, the Constitution received the
whole fire of Tripoli, while the small vessels were re
tiring, and it is good cause of surprise that she hauled
off herself with so little loss. As it was, three shells
passed through her canvas, one of which hit the bolt-
rope of the maintop-sail, and nearly tore the sail in two.
Her rigging, both standing and running, was much cut
by shot, as were her sails generally. Most of the
damages, however, were temporarily repaired during
the height of the action.

Preble had now been just a month before Tripoli,
with his whole force. During this brief space he had
made no less than five attacks on the place,, four of
which produced serious impressions. His own ship
had been three times hotly engaged, rendering the most
material service. Under ordinary men, this would
have been thought sufficiently active service of itself,
but it would never have satisfied Preble, had it been in
his power to do more. The time between the 7th and
the 24th August, rather more than .one-half of this
month, was lost in fruitless expectation of the squadron
under Com. Barron, and by the occurrence of a gale
of wind. Thus, in point of fact, so far as the energies
of the man were concerned, these five attacks should be
considered as having occurred in fourteen working
days. Even allowing time to repair damages, after the
attack of the 7th, seventeen or eighteen of these busy
days would be a liberal allowance. We dwell on these
circumstances, as they are closely connected with

228 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

Treble's character, and demonstrate its energy. That
it belonged to his true character, is further proved by
the pause he made when Capt. Chauncy's arrival gave
him reason to suppose a strong reinforcement was near,
for which he waited with patience, as most conducive
to the true interests of his country. Many officers
would have been aroused to renewed exertions, by the
wish of earning all the laurels they could, previously to
being superseded ; but no such motive influenced Pre-
ble. On the contrary, he restrained his natural dispo
sition to act, for the good of all, and only resumed the
offensive when he found that the fine season was fast
passing away in idleness. We see much to admire in
Preble's short career as a commander, but we see no
trait which so distinctly shows that he was governed
purely by high and noble motives, as this pause in this
otherwise ceaseless activity of mind and movement.

By reference to our dates, the reader will see that
the two first attacks on Tripoli occurred within four
days of each other, and the three last within ten.
Even while making these last assaults on the place,
Preble was meditating the bold and serious project of
sending in the Infernal, as the ketch Intrepid was not
unaptly termed. We shall not go over again the de
tails of this melancholy enterprise, which have already
been given in our sketch of Somers, but confine our
selves in the present article to the more immediate con
nection of our subject with the event.

The project of sending in a vessel like the Intrepid,
to explode in the inner harbor of Tripoli, in the midst
of all the shipping, was doubtless Preble's own. It
was admirably conceived, and the preparations for it

EDWARD PREBLE. 229

were made with the utmost care. The ketch had
arrived from Malta with a cargo of fresh water, while
the squadron was blown into the offing, and she was
no sooner discharged than arrangements were com
menced for this important service.

Preble gave much of his own time and attention to
the equipment of the ketch. Somers was with him
repeatedly on the business, and not only did Preble use
much caution in issuing his instructions, but he experi
mented personally, with port-fires and other 'means of
firing the train, in order to make sure that all the cal
culations were strictly accurate.

Even in recording this, the saddest of all the exploits
as yet connected with American naval enterprise, we
shall be excused for directing the attention of the reader
to Treble's untiring activity. The last assault on the
town had been made on the 3d of September ; the In
trepid was sent in on the night of the 5th, making, in
truth, six attacks in a month and one day. The
country knows, that it was hoped the result of this at
tempt would be to coerce the bashaw to treat as with
an equal. During the forty years that have since rolled
by, no new light has been thrown on the cause of the
disaster. It is a secret with the brave thirteen who
volunteered to man the ketch, and who perished to a
man in the catastrophe.

It is certain that Preble, in his officiqj narrative of
the events before Tripoli, a well-written, manly, and
seaman-like communication, it may be said in passing,
gives it as his opinion that Somers and his party blew
themselves up, in order to prevent falling into the
hands of the enemy. He thought that one of the
VOL. i. 20

230 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

largest Tripolitan gun-boats was missing next morning,
and the people of the port were seen hauling on shore
three others that appeared to be much shattered. From
these circumstances, Preble inferred that the large boat
had boarded the ketch, and that the others were ap
proaching to sustain her, when Somers, in conformity
with a resolution previously expressed, blew himself
up. Preble left the station so soon after the occurrence
of the event itself, as to leave him little opportunity to
ascertain the facts, and his report was made out as soon
as he got to Malta.

There is little doubt that the explosion of the Intrepid
was the result of an accident, or was produced by the
shot of the enemy. The batteries were firing at the
time, and the Constitution keeping well in the offing,
to prevent suspicion, the shot from a gun inside the
ketch might very well have hit its object before its re
port reached the frigate, not having a tenth of the dis
tance to go. These circumstances may have blended
the two reports, that of the explosion and that of the
gun, in one. Some untoward accident may have oc
curred inboard. Had a shot passed through the ketch
and hit a nail, or a bolt, it might very well have pro
duced an explosion on board a vessel into which powder
had been started in bulk. The gun-boat that blew up
in the action of the 7th August was probably struck by
a cold shot, although Preble naturally enough supposed
it, at the time, to have been a hot shot ; there being no
other proof that the Tripolitans used hot shot at all.

But the journal of Bainbridge sets at rest the ques
tion, so far as the loss of the enemy was concerned.
He says distinctly that the explosion did no injury

EDWARD PREBLE. 231

whatever. He then enumerates the number of the
dead, and the places where they were found. The
dead were just thirteen, corresponding exactly with
the number of persons in the ketch. Preble had in
tended that number to be only twelve, viz., two officers
and ten men ; but a third officer, Lieut. Israel, smug
gled himself on board the ketch, increasing the party
by one. Now Bainbridge recorded all these particu
lars at the time, and before he knew any thing of the
character of the ketch, who were in her, or any thing
beyond the facts of the loss, and the finding of the
bodies. Had any Turks been killed, their bodies would
also have been found ; but thirteen alone were ascer
tained to have been destroyed. It is true that the
bodies could not be distinguished, some of them scarce
retaining the vestiges of humanity, rendering it diffi
cult, in some of the cases, to say whether the sufferer
were a Christian or a Mahommedan ; but the exact cor
respondence of the number found, with the number
known to have been in the ketch, and the well ascer
tained fact that the Intrepid had hot reached her point
of destination by several hundred yards, would seem to
dispose of the question entirely. Preble was mistaken,
beyond a doubt. No Turk was injured, nor was any
damage done to the shipping of the port. The gun
boats that were seen hauling up, were probably
damaged in the attack of the previous day, and the one
that had disappeared may have shifted her berth, as one
locks the stable after the horse has been stolen. It is
possible that one of the boats nearest the ketch may
have been sunk, but none of the prisoners in Tripoli
appear to have heard of any damage whatever, that

232

NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

was done the enemy. As Dr. Cowdery, in particular,
was permitted to go a good deal at large, and even
Bainbridge got very accurate information through the
Danish Consul, it is hardly possible any serious damage
could have been done, and they not learn it.

Preble's anxiety was intense, the whole of the night
of the 4th. On the morning of the 5th, however, his
narrative-journal commences with the following cha
racteristic paragraph : " We were employed in sup
plying the gun-boats with ammunition, &c., and
repairing the bomb-vessels for another attack," &c.
The weather compelled him to relinquish thjs design;
and on the 7th, the season showed so many evidences
of its character, that he ordered the guns, mortars, shot
and shells to be taken out of the Neapolitan craft and
his prizes, and sent the vessels themselves to Syracuse,
thus effectually bringing the attacking system to a close
for that year. The John Adams, Siren, Nautilus, and
Enterprise, were sent to tow these craft into port, leav
ing Preble, in the Constitution, with the Argus and
Vixen in company, to -maintain the blockade.

It is impossible to say what the resources and energy
of a mind like that of Preble's might have dictated, had
he remained long, with even this diminished force, near
his enemy. Something he would have attempted, be
yond a question, though we have no clue to his inten
tions, nor do we know that any were yet formed. On
the 10th September, or quite a month later than Preble
had been induced to expect him, Com. Barren hove in
sight, in the President 44, having the Constellation 38,
Capt. Campbell, in company. There being now a
senior officer present, Preble sailed on the 12th for

EDWARD PREBLE.

233

Malta, where he soon after relinquished the command
of the Constitution.

Had the arrangements for sending the reinforcement
been made after the government was apprised of Preble's
spirited operations before Tripoli, it is probable some
means would have been devised to leave him still in
command. The thing might have been done, easily
enough, though the excuse for sending a senior captain
was the smallness of the list. It is more probable that
the solicitations of officers at home, and the influence of
that principle which is so active in the country, rotation
in office, and which is sufficiently vicious as practised
in civil affairs, but which is fatal to any thing like mili
tary success, on a scale large enough to meet the wants
or to satisfy the pride of a great nation, were at the
bottom of the change. When Rodgers assembled his
whole force in the bay of Tunis, the succeeding year,
then the largest squadron that was ever collected under
the flag, he had but four captains present, including him
self; and by substituting the name of Preble for that
of Rodgers, this force could have been commanded by
one of these officers as well as by the other. The three
junior captains, James Barren, Campbell and Decatur,
were all younger than Preble. But these things were
not thought of at the time, and two seniors were sent
•*out to the station, a circumstance that induced Preble
to come home. He accordingly sailed for Syracuse, in
the Argus, which place he reached on the 24th Sep
tember. Finding Decatur here, he ordered him to
Malta, to take charge of his own frigate, feeling a deep
gratification in being able to bestow so fine a ship on an
officer who had so brilliantly distinguished himself.
20*

234 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

Preble had still a great deal to do before he left the
Mediterranean, though relieved from his command.
His accounts were to be settled, and they occupied him
several weeks ; especially as the duty carried him to
Malta, Syracuse, Messina, and Palermo. Barron, too,
had occasion for his services. Preble had gone on
board the John Adams 28, Captain Chauncy, late in
October, and having closed up his affairs at Palermo,
he sailed for Naples, December 2d, in order to ascertain
if he could not obtain additional and better vessels, from
the Neapolitan government, for the ensuing season.
The negotiation failed, and he sailed for home, Decem
ber 23d. The ship called in at Gibraltar, and visited
Tangiers, in order to see if all remained tranquil in that
quarter. Finding nothing to detain him, the commo
dore proceeded on, anchoring at New York, February
26th, 1805. He repaired to Washington, with as little
delay as possible, which place he reached the day of
Mr. Jefferson's second inauguration, or March 4th, 1805.

Thus terminated the celebrated cruise of Preble, after
an absence from home of only -one year, six months and
twelve days. Its operations having been stated already,
with sufficient minuteness, it remains only to add a few
particulars, and to speak of its effects, not only on the
country, and on the Barbary Powers, but on the civi
lized world. On the country, the effect was to induce
it to love and cherish its marine, of which it now became
justly proud. It was something for a nation, whose
political independence had not been acknowledged but
one-and-twenty years, to carry on a war four thousand
miles from home, and to make so deep an inroad upon
what had been the settled policy of Europe for ages.

EDWARD PREBLE. 235

Previously to Preble's quitting his command, the ba
shaw was willing to relinquish all claims to tribute, for
ever, and, in the peace that shortly succeeded, this relic
of a barbarous policy was totally abandoned. Tunis
submitted to a similar provision the same year, and
Algiers followed on the first occasion. There is no
question that the general abolition of tribute, and of the
system of making slaves of Christians captured in war,
was but the direct consequence of the vigor and spirit
manifested by Preble before the town of Tripoli. The
Pope, whose coasts were peculiarly exposed to ravages
from the corsairs of Africa, and are lined by towers
built expressly to repel their inroads, publicly declared
that the Americans had done more to suppress the law
lessness of the Barbarians, than all the rest of Christen
dom united !

The effect of Preble's discipline on the navy was in
the highest degree beneficial. No complaints were
made of vessels not doing their duty, in presence of
the enemy, as so often happens in naval warfare. His
squadron got into no confusion, and no excuses were
heard of a want of preparation. He had inspired his
subordinates with such a spirit, that the signal for battle
was looked for with eagerness ; and, once flying, every
man knew his station, and he occupied it with certainty
and despatch. Preble commanded his squadron ; and
so thoroughly was every man in it sensible of this fact,
that his overseeing eye was sufficient to ensure obe
dience. In this particular, no naval force was probably
ever in better condition than the little squadron under
his orders. When Preble left it, it was like a band of
brothers ; but, in a few months, it was torn to pieces by

236 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

factions. It' is true that a portion of these dissensions
might have been the natural consequence of bringing
together men from different squadrons, but there is no
question that Preble had the faculty of imparting to his
inferiors such a sympathy in his own ardent desire to
advance the duty on which he was employed, as to
place country before self. Nothing could be less alike,
in this respect, than the squadron Preble left behind
him, on quitting Tripoli, and that which was to be found
there six months later.

The effect produced on the Barbary Powers, by Pre-
ble's service before Tripoli, as it was connected with
the treaties that succeeded, has already been incident
ally mentioned. Since the year 1804, a trifling instance
to the contrary during the war with England excepted,
the American name and American rights have been
respected on all of that inhospitable coast. The ice
was broken, and the Turk had learned to respect the
prowess of a distant, and, as he had imagined, a feeble
people. England herself had not so great a name among
these semi-barbarians, as that Preble had purchased for
his country.

It is proper to mention the loss with which Preble
effected so much. Between the 3d August, when he
fired the first gun at the Tripolitans, and the 4th Sep
tember, when he may be said to have fired the last, the
Americans had only thirty men killed, and twenty-four
wounded ; making a total of fifty-four casualties.
Among the slain were one master and commander,
four lieutenants, and one midshipman. Among the
wounded, one captain and one lieutenant. Compared
to the magnitude of the services performed, and the re-

EDWARD PREBLE. 237

suits obtained, this may be taken as a demonstration of
the prudence and judgment manifested in conducting
the different attacks.

When Preble left the station, the officers who had
served under him addressed to him a letter, that was
intended to convey their high sense of his character and
services. Such letters are usually improper, and, in
deed, ought not to be received ; but this originated in a
generous motive — the fact that Preble had been super
seded in command appearing to call for some testimony
from that quarter. The communication was short, but
it said all that such a document could well say. Preble
was not only not liked at the commencement of the
cruise, he was almost hated, by many under his orders,
on account of the hotness of his temper, and the tight
ness of the hand he held over them. But if Preble were
passionate, he was just. The merit of every man was
observed, appreciated, and rewarded. Coupling this
high feeling with his military qualities, respect had
ripened into esteem, and it may be questioned if the
commodore left an enemy behind him when he sailed
from Syracuse, the Tripolitans excepted. The letter
in question was signed by one captain, (Decatur,) four
commanders, two lieutenants commandant, twenty-four
lieutenants, five masters, eight surgeons, five pursers,
three marine officers, and the only chaplain there was.*

* The names of the senior officers have appeared sufficiently often
in this sketch to render them familiar, but the reader may like to
know who were the younger lieutenants that served under Preble
in this war. They and their subsequent fates were as follows, viz. :

Gordon, died a captain, 1817.

Tarbell, do. do. 1815.

Elbert, died a lieutenant, 1812.

Morris, now a commodore.

Reed, died a lieutenant, 1812.

238 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

At Washington, Preble was consulted by the govern
ment, and he recommended it to build suitable bomb-
ketches, and to cause some heavy gun-boats to be con
structed, especially in reference to the present war.
Both were done ; the duty of superintending the build
ing of the ketches being assigned to himself. On in
quiry, finding he could not get the ketches ready in
time for the expected operations before Tripoli, he was
authorized to purchase two substantial vessels, and have
them fitted with mortars ; thus extending his duty against
the enemy to this country. The bomb-vessels and gun
boats were sent out in the spring of 1805, and all but
one arrived in safety ; though peace was concluded
previously to their reaching the station. This peace,

Dexter, died a commander, 1818.

Bennet, died a lieutenant, 1810.

Nicholson, resigned, 1810.

Lawrence, killed a captain, 1813.

Bainbridge, died a captain, 1824.

Thorn, blown up, 1810.
M'Donough died a commodore, 1825.
Carroll, resigned a commander.

Maxwell, died a lieutenant, 1806.

Burrows, killed a master com. 1813.

Spence, died a captain, 1827.

Van Schaick. resigned, 1807.

Trippe, died a lieutenant com. 1810.
Crane, now a commodore.

Reed, died a master com. 1813.
Ridgely, now a commodore.

Izard, resigned, 1810.

Has well, do. 1810.

Marcellin, died, 1810.

Thus, of these twenty-four lieutenants, who served under Pre
ble, between the 3d August and the 4th September, 1804, only
three remain in the navy, and only three are believed to be living.
Among the list of names that signed the letter to Preble, we can
discover but one more (Stewart) that has not departed for the other
world. It is much the same even with the midshipmen, not one
now remaining in service, unless it be the present Commodore
Cassin, who was then an acting master.

EDWARD PREBLE. 239

it should never be forgotten, was the consequence of the
spirited operations of the summer of 1804 ; the Tripo-
litans not deeming it prudent to await the results of the
operations of a force so much larger, in the summer of
1805.

Preble had received much kindness from Sir Alex
ander Ball, one of Nelson's captains, who had been
made governor of Malta. This excellent officer, and
amiable man, had expressed a wish to procure two
fishing-smacks, of the American build, and Preble took
this occasion to purchase two, which were carried to
Malta, and delivered to the admiral, who received them,
not as presents, but by paying for them, at their original
cost.

Preble had a proper sensibility on the subject of his
being superseded, as well as a just appreciation of the
worth of Sir Alexander Ball's good opinion. He
accordingly sent to that officer a copy of the letter he
had received from the secretary of the Navy, wherein
that high functionary explained the necessity, or what
he conceived to be the necessity, of sending to the Me
diterranean two captains senior to himself. In reply to
Preble's letter, Ball says — "I have communicated this
to all I know. They join me in regretting that an of
ficer whose talents and professional abilities have been
justly appreciated, and whose manners and conduct
eminently fit him for so high a command, should be
removed from it."

In another letter, in reply to a communication of his
thanks for services received from Preble, Ball says —
"I beg to repeat my congratulations on the services
you have rendered your country," &c. — "If I were to
offer my humble opinion, it would be that you have

240 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

done well in not purchasing a peace with money — a
few brave men have been sacrificed, but they could not
have fallen in a better cause ; and I conceive it better
to risk more lives, than to submit to terms that might
encourage the Barbary States to add fresh demands and
insults."

Preble's exertions and services were not forgotten by
the nation. Congress voted him, and, through him, to
the officers and men who had served under his orders,
their solemn thanks. It also voted a suitable medal in
gold to the commodore, and swords to various officers,
who had distinguished themselves in the different
affairs. As this resolution was approved by the Presi
dent, March 5th, 1805, on the day after Preble reached
Washington, it must have been so timed in order to
give him a suitable, and no doubt a most gratifying,
greeting on reaching the seat of government.

As for the nation itself, its reception of Preble par
took of none of those noisy demonstrations of joy that
have attended the return of other successful officers ;
but his services made a very deep impression. The
character he had acquired, through deeds that demanded
more of intellect than is usual in the mere combats of
ships, partook of its own peculiarity, and he was re
garded as an officer who had manifested some of the
higher qualities of his profession, rather than simply as
a bold and skilful sea-captain.

The impression made by Preble at Washington
would seem to have been particularly favorable. In
1806, if not earlier, Jefferson offered him a seat in his
cabinet, by wishing to place him at the head of the
Navy Department. It would seem that there is no
doubt of this fact, as well as that the offer was subse-

EDWARD PREBLE. 241

quently renewed. The President had become sensible
of the necessity of a considerable navy, and wished to
reorganize that of this country under the advice of an
officer of whom he had formed so favorable an opinion.
Preble, at first, declined ; but several officers of rank
urging him to accept, among the foremost of whom was
Decatur, he felt disposed to comply. Had it not been
for the state of his health, which now began to give
way seriously, under the derangement of the digestive
organs, it is supposed he would have been put at the
head of the department in question. In making up his
mind to accept this civil appointment, we have no
means of knowing whether it was, or was not, the in
tention of Preble to lay down his commission as a sea-
officer. As he always manifested a strong attachment
to his original profession, it is probable he would have
retained his rank in the navy, there being nothing con
trary to law, or nothing incompatible in the duties, in
placing a soldier, or a sailor, at the head of his own
particular branch of civil control, but much that is to
the contrary. Carnot, when only a captain of engi
neers, directed the movements and organization of all
the armies of France, returning to his modest rank,
after the duty had been admirably performed. It is to
the credit of both Jefferson and Preble, that when the
former offered, and the latter consented to accept a seat
in the cabinet, the two were opposed to each other in
their politics. The good of the navy was their common
object.

Ill health, however, prevented Preble from rendering
this additional service to his country. His malady as
sumed the character of a wasting consumption, and in

VOL. I. 21

242 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

the summer of 1807, the symptoms became so alarming
as to give cause to apprehend an early and a fatal
termination. His last remedy appears to have been a
short trip to sea, but it proved of no avail, and in August
he returned to his native place, Portland, to die. The
brother next him- in years, who was also a seaman,
though in the merchant service, was the closest in feel
ing of all Preble's blood relations. This brother at
tended him much in his last illness, and to this brother
were Preble's last words addressed. They were —
"Give me your hand, Enoch — I'm going — give me
your hand." His death occurred August the 25th,
1807 ; and, consequently, when he was just turned of
forty-six years of age.

Commodore Preble left a widow, who still survives,
and an only child, a son. This child was a mere
infant at his father's death. He was subsequently
educated at one of the Eastern colleges, and at Gottingen
in Germany. When he reached the proper age, go
vernment sent him the appointment of a midshipman,
but it was declined for him, by his mother. This son
still survives, and may perpetuate the line of his dis
tinguished parent.

In person, Preble, like his father and most of his
family, was a man of imposing presence. He was
about six feet in height, though rather of an active than
of a large frame. Still he was sufficiently muscular,
and the style of his personal appearance was a union
of gentleman-like outline, with size and force. In uni
form, he was a striking figure. His countenance varied
with his feelings, and altogether he would be consi
dered, in any part of the world, a man of mark.

Much has been said of the temper of Preble, and

EDWARD P R E B L E. 243

some allusion has been made to it here. Certainly it
was bad, in the ordinary meaning of the term ; though
disease had probably a full share in producing it. By
nature, he was quick, and in early life impetuous even ;
but he was said to be affectionate and kind in all the
domestic relations. His friends were much attached to
him, and no man of a bad heart can secure the love of
intimates. Many anecdotes are told in connection with
this quickness of temper, one of which was circulated
with much gusto by the young men of his squadron,
who had suffered themselves, from time to time, by his
bursts of passion. The vessels had not a sufficient
number of medical men, and Preble was induced to
engage a Sicilian, to whom he gave a temporary acting
appointment, as a surgeon's mate. This person was to
assist in, or to take charge of, the hospital established
at Syracuse. When the preliminaries were settled,
the doctor inquired if it would be proper for him to
wear a uniform. To this Preble answered, certainly ;
it was expected that every officer should appear in the
livery prescribed by law. It was understood the doctor
would equip himself, and return next day to receive his
orders. At the appointed hour, and while Preble was
in his dressing-gown shaving, an officer was ushered
in, wearing a richly laced coat, a cocked hat, and tivo
epaulettes. At first the commodore could not recognise
this personage. He saw the American button, but he
himself was the only man on the station authorized to
wear two epaulettes. Commanders then only wore
one, on the right shoulder ; and lieutenants, one on the.
left. After bowing, and looking his surprise, Preble
recognised his Sicilian surgeon's mate in this exag
gerated guise. Terrible was the burst of passion that

244 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

followed ! Preble profoundly deferred to military rank,
and was very particular in respecting all its claims.
To have a Sicilian surgeon's mate thus desecrate a
captain's uniform was more than he could stand ; and
the very first outbreak of his passion set the poor Si
cilian on the jump. Preble gave chase, in the hope of
helping him down stairs, by a posterior application, and
the scene is said to have come to its climax in the street.
The man was so frightened as never to return.

But these were infirmities that sink into insignifi
cance when we come to consider the higher qualities
of Preble. His career in the present navy was so
short, and the greater portion of it kept him so much
aloof from the body of his brother officers, that we must
look to some unusual cause for the great influence he
obtained while living, and the lasting renown he has
left attached to his name, now he is dead. If the few
days passed in visits, during which nothing ostensible
was done, be excepted, Preble was only forty-two days
before Tripoli, altogether. In that time he captured
nothing, excluding the three gun-boats taken in the first
attack, nor did he meet with any of that brilliant suc
cess which carries away men's imaginations, making
the result the sole test of merit, without regard to the
means by which it was obtained. Still it may be
questioned if any other name in American naval annals
has as high a place in the estimation of the better class
of judges, as that of Preble. Decatur performed many
more brilliant personal exploits ; the victory of M'Do-
nough, besides standing first on the score of odds and
magnitude, possesses the advantage of bringing in its
train far more important immediate consequences than
any other naval achievement of the country ; yet it may

EDWARD PREBLE. 245

be doubted if the intelligent do not give to Preble a
place in the scale of renown, still higher than that oc
cupied by either of these heroes. Hull broke the
charm of a long-established and imposing invincibility,
}'et no man competent to judge of merit of this nature,
would think of comparing Hull to Preble, though the
latter virtually never took a ship. The names of
neither Lawrence, Bainbridge, nor Perry, will ever be
placed by the discriminating at the side of that of Pre
ble, though tenfold more has been written to exalt the
renown of either, than has been written in behalf of
Preble. They, themselves, would have deferred to the
superiority of the old Mediterranean commodore, and
neither would probably dream of placing his own name
on a level with that of Preble's. Chauricy, out of all
question, occupied the most arduous and responsible
station ever yet filled by an American naval com
mander, and Preble never performed more gallant per
sonal deeds than Chauncy, or showed higher resolution
in face of his enemy ; yet Chauncy always spoke of
Preble as men name their admitted superiors ! Paul
Jones alone can claim to be placed on the same eleva
tion as to resources and combinations, but few who are
familiar with the details of the events connected with
both, would think of placing even Jones fairly at Pre
ble's side. There was a compactness, a power of com
bination, an integrity of command, and a distinctness
of operations about Preble's memorable month, that
Jones' justly renowned cruise did not exhibit. . It will
be vain to contend that Jones' materials were bad, and
that his inferiors could scarcely be called his subordi
nates. There may have been much truth in this, but
21*

246 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

Jones' cruise showed high resolution and far-reaching
views, rather than the ability to control, combine and
influence, the qualities that Preble so eminently pos
sessed. Landais would never have deserted Preble
twice ; he would have had him out of his ship and
Dale in his place, for the first offence. Stewart, who,
with a singularly equal temper, has caught his old
commander's tact at making himself obeyed, would
have managed to get the Frenchman out of the Alliance
before he had effected one half of the mischief of which
he was the cause.

There can be little doubt that some portion of Pre-
ble's reputation is owing to the place he filled in the
order of time, as connected with the formation of the
present marine. This of itself, however, would not
have built up a permanent name, and the subsequent
exploits of M'Donough, Decatur, Lawrence, Biddle,
Blakely, &c., would have been certain to throw it in
the shade. We must look to something more than this
priority as to time, for the credit our subject has ob
tained. We think the solution of the difficulty will be
found by making the brief analysis of his services, with
which we shall conclude this sketch.

Preble was sent into a distant sea to act against an
enemy who was but little understood at home, and
under instructions from a cabinet that gave itself
scarcely any concern about naval operations of any
sort. The most that can be said of the naval adminis
tration of this country for the first ten years of the
century, is to admit that it was liberal to the officers,
and sufficiently well disposed to carry out the laws ;
but, as a directing spirit capable of wielding the force
committed to its care with activity and intelligence, it

EDWARD PREBLE. 247

did not then, nor has it since existed in any emergency.
In an intellectual, professional sense, the navy has
scarcely had a head, nor is it likely to possess one
while the selections of its chiefs are made from among
state-court lawyers, ex-masters of merchant vessels, and
politicians by trade.

Under such circumstances, an officer is sent with a
very insufficient force to compel a prince of Barbary to
conclude a peace on honorable and equal terms. The
small vessels placed under his orders, though admirably
adapted to blockading Tripoli, were of very little ser
vice in making attacks on the place. Had Decatur
never quitted his six pounder schooner, the Enterprise,
we probably should not have heard of her name in con
nection with this war. The same is true of Somers
and the Nautilus. In a word, the use that could alone
be made of five of the six vessels Preble possessed in
the moment of action, was to blockade the port, to cover
his flotilla, a power created solely by himself, and to
employ their officers and people in such service as he
could create for them in emergencies. Useful as these
little cruisers might be, and were, in certain portions
of the duty, they were of very little account as part of
the assailing force.

Insufficient as were his means originally. Preble was
met, even before he had reached the scene of action,
by the unpleasant tidings that these means were di
minished quite one-third, through the accidental loss
of one of his frigates. Not only did this loss subtract
from his own force, but it added almost in an equal
degree to that of the enemy. The Philadelphia was a
stout eighteen pounder frigate, and used as a floating
battery only, and equally well fought, she would have

248

NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

proven almost a counterpoise to the only battering ship
Preble now had. This he saw, and he took his mea
sures early to destroy her. The instructions given to
Decatur on that occasion, prove how fully Preble's
mind was impressed with all the contingencies of such
an enterprise; how clearly he foresaw success, and
how far he wished to improve it. The possibility of
converting the Intrepid into a fire-ship, was calculated,*
and orders given accordingly. The sudden shifting of
the wind rendered it impossible to profit by this hint ;
but the order itself shows how fully and comprehen
sively Preble understood the matters he had in hand.
Decatur was ordered to take fixed ammunition for the
Philadelphia's guns, and to use them against the town,
should it be in his power. He found these guns loaded,
and the flames drove him out of the ship ; but they did
a part of the duty of gunners for him. On the destruc
tion of this ship depended the success of the approach
ing season, in a word, and Preble laid his plan and
chose his agent accordingly. The success was as much
his, as success ever belongs to the head that conceives and
combines, when the hand is not employed to execute.

This accomplished, Preble commenced that scene of
active preparation of which we have already endeavored
to give the reader some idea. Nearly all the available
force that could be employed against Tripoli, was to be
created four thousand miles from home, with one hand,

* In his instructions to Decatur, Preble uses these words, viz : —
" Make your reireat good with the Intrepid, if possible, unless you
can make her the means of destroying the tnemy's vessels in the
harbor, by converting her into a fire-ship for that, purpose, and re
treating in your boats and those of the Siren. You must take
fixed ammunition and apparatus for the frigate1 s eighteen pound
ers ; nnd if you can, without risking too much, you may endeavor to
make them the instruments of destruction to the shipping and ba
shaw's castle.1'

EDWARD PREBLE. 249

while the dissatisfied Barbary States were to be held in
check with the other.

This scene of preparatory activity ended, the new
one began, of attacking stone wails and a strong flotilla,
with a single frigate ; a twenty-four pounder ship, it is
true, but supported only by six very badly constructed
gun-boats. The batteries had many heavy pieces, and
the three boats captured on the 3d August, mounted
nominal twenty-sixes, which threw shot that weighed
twenty-nine pounds. At this time all the heavy Ame
rican shot fell two or three pounds short of their nominal
weight. Against these odds, then, Preble had to con
tend. Nevertheless he had his advantages. His enemy
possessed no accurate gunners, and were otherwise
deficient in the resources of an advanced civilization.
Under these circumstances, Preble risked just as much
as was prudent. So nicely balanced were his move
ments between extreme audacity and the most wary
and seaman-like caution, that we never find a vessel of
any sort exposed without a sufficient object, or, an
accident excepted, exposed in vain. His operations
commenced, nothing checked their vigor but the most
discreet forbearance. When Barren was hourly ex
pected, he paused with a magnanimity that in itself
denoted a high and loyal character ; but when the dire
calamity occurred to Somers, and when Caldwell was
blown up, he went to work the next hour, as it might
be, to push his operations, just as if nothing unusual
had occurred. Under the most disadvantageous cir
cumstances, and with cruelly insufficient means, he
lowered the pretensions of his enemy one half, in ten
days, and had brought them down to next to nothing by
the end of a month ! We say cruelly insufficient

250 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

means, for, in effect, the Constitution alone, with her
thirty guns in broadside, had frequently to contend with
more than a hundred guns in batteries.

But, no better circumstance can be cited in favor of
Preble's professional character and conduct, than the
hold he obtained on the minds of his officers. Person
ally, they had much to induce them to dislike him ; yet,
we cannot recall an instance in which we have ever
heard one of them find any fault with the least of his
movements. All seem to think that every thing that
was done was done for the best. We hear no com
plaints of injudicious or unreasonable operations ; and
what is still more unusual in combined movements, of
commanders who did not do their whole duty. In
equality of conduct and of services is one of the com
monest occurrences in all extended operations, by sea or
land. We hear tales and anecdotes of this sort, as con
nected with McDonough's and Perry's victories, as
connected with Chauncy's various manoeuvres and bat
tles, but none in relation to Preble and his command.
Every man in his squadron knew and felt that he was
governed ; though it is not improbable that Preble was,
in a degree, aided in the exercise of his authority, by
the fact that an entire grade existed between his own
rank and that of all of his commanders. A stronger prac
tical argument in favor of the creation of admirals cannot
be cited, than the manner in which Preble held all his
vessels in hand, during his operations against Triploi.
Still his own character had the most connection with
the result ; and even to this hour, old men who have
since commanded squadrons themselves, speak of his
discipline with a shake of the head, as if they still felt
its influence.

EDWARD PREBLE. 251

Follow Preble from his scene of glory to his native
land, and we find him appreciated by many of the
highest intellects of the republic. His mind was used,
even across the Atlantic, in arranging future operations
against the enemy ; and so much was his advice
esteemed, and his counsel coveted, that he is finally
invited to preside over the branch of the public service
to which he belonged. Such would have been his des
tiny had not death intervened.

One cannot but regret that Preble did not survive,
with all his powers, until after the occurrence of the
last English war. Nothing was more apparent than
the want of combination and intelligent wielding of
force on the Atlantic, that was exhibited throughout the
whole of those important years ; and we cannot but
think, had Preble's capacity and energy been brought
to bear on the service, he would have shown something
more than brilliant isolated combats, as the result of
even the small means that could have been placed at
his control. He would then have been second in rank
in the navy, as to all practical purposes, and must have
been intrusted with one of the largest squadrons. His
last moments were said to have been embittered by re
grets for the affair between the Leopard and Chesa
peake, and he always retained a sort of revolutionary
predilection for meeting the English.

Preble's influence on the discipline of the service was
of a valuable and lasting nature. Until his time, the
men of the present navy were little accustomed to act
in concert, and some of the previous attempts had not
been attended with very flattering results. Officers
would obey at every hazard, it is true, as Stewart did
when he went to sea in the Experiment, towing out his

252 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

main-mast after him, in consequence of a petulant order
from Truxtun, but they had not been taught to repress
their own ardor, to yield their own opinions to those of
their superiors, in face of an enemy, in order to present
a combined and available front, until Preble gave them
the severe, but salutary lesson.

It is probable that the marine of this country, long
ere the close of this century, will become one of the
most powerful the world has yet seen. With a rate
of increase that will probably carry the population of
the nation up to sixty millions, within the next fifty
years, a commerce and tonnage that will be fully in
proportion to these numbers, no narrow policy, or spu
rious economy, can well prevent such a result. In that
day, when the opinions of men shall have risen in some
measure to the level of the stupendous facts by which
they will be surrounded, the world will see the fleets
of the republic, feel their influence on its policy, and
hear of the renown of admirals who are yet unborn ;
for the infatuated notion that wars are over, is a chimera
of speculative moralists, who receive their own wishes
as the inductions of reason. In that day, all the earlier
facts of the national career will be collected with care,
and preserved with veneration. Among the brightest
of those which will be exhibited connected with the
deeds of that infant navy out of which will have grown
the colossal power that then must wield the trident of
the seas, will stand prominent the forty days of the Tri-
politan wrar, crowded with events that are inseparable
from the name and the renown of Edward Preble.

END OF VOL. I.

LIVES

OF

DISTINGUISHED AMERICAN

NAVAL OFFICERS.

BY

J. FENIMORE COOPER,

AUTHOR OF "THE SPY," "THE PILOT," &c. &c.

VOL. II.

JONES, PERRY,

WOOLSEY, DALE.

PHILADELPHIA:

CAREY AND HART.

1846.

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1846, by

CAREY & HART,
in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.

STEREOTYPED BY L. JOHNSON & CO.
PHILADELPHIA.

CONTENTS.

Page

JONES 5

WOOLSEY 113

PERRY 146

DALE . 233

Lith- ,£ ..MiwtJii- . ill, jVasscu .ff, .//

NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

JOHN PAUL JONES.

FEW names connected with the American marine
have so much claim to celebrity as that of the subject
of this sketch. His services were of a character so bold
and romantic, the means he employed were seemingly
so inadequate to the ends he had in view, and his suc
cess, on one occasion in particular, was so very brilliant as
to have given rise, on the part of his political and per
sonal enemies, to much unmerited and bitter calumny,
while his admirers and friends have been induced to
lean a little too strongly to the side of eulogy and un-
discriminating praise. As the matter of the life and
character of this distinguished officer has been frequently
the subject of comment in biographies, of more or less
merit, within the last few years, and a great mass of
evidence has been produced to remove the veil which
was so long drawn before his early years, this is per
haps the time when an attempt may best be made to
arrive at a just appreciation of the deeds of the officer,
and of the quallities of the man. In assuming this task,
we shall avail ourselves of such of the best authenticated
\* 5

b NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

facts that offer, reasoning for ourselves on their results
and principles.

There are no longer any doubts thrown over the
birth and early life of Paul Jones. His grandfather was
a regular gardener, in the neighborhood of Leith, of the
name of Paul. His father, John Paul, was apprenticed
to the same trade, and at the expiration of his indentures
he entered into the service of Mr. Craik, of Arbigland,*
in which situation he passed the remainder of his days.
We have the assertion of Jones himself, that there
never existed any connection between the Earl of Sel
kirk and his father, as has been long and generally
asserted ; and we may add, the present head of that
noble family has assured the writer of this article that
the Pauls were never in the service of his grandfather.

John Paul, the gardener of Craik, of Arbigland, mar
ried Jean Macduff, the daughter of a small farmer in
the parish of New Abbey. Seven children were the
fruits of this connection, two of which died in infancy.
John was the youngest of the remaining five. William,
the eldest of the family, left Scotland at an early age,
and finally married and settled at Fredericksburg, in
Virginia. He was the principal cause of subsequently
attracting his distinguished brother to America. The
daughters were Elizabeth, Janet, and Mary Ann. The
first never married ; the second became the wife of a
watchmaker in Dumfries, of the name of Taylor ; and
the third had two husbands, the first of whom was

* Craik, of Arbigland, was a man of extensive scientific and lite
rary attainments, as well as of large fortune. It may have interest
with the American reader, to learn that Washington's friend and
physician, Dr. James Craik, was a natural son of this gentleman.
* j

J 0 H N P A U L J 0 N E S. 7

named Young, and the second Loudon. Several of the
descendants of these sisters came to America, where
some of them are now living.

John, the fifth and youngest surviving child of this
humble family, was born July 6th, 1747, at Arbigland,
in the parish of Kirkbean, Scotland. His early educa
tion was such as marked his condition, in a country
like the land of his birth. It was plain, substantial,
and moral. The boy appears to have improved his
limited opportunities, however, for while his taste, sen
timents and language, in after-life, betray the exagge
ration of an imperfect instruction, his handwriting,
orthography, and principles, prove that the essentials
had not been neglected. Still, the acquirements he
obtained at school could not have been great, for we find
him regularly apprenticed to the sea at the age of twelve.
His master was a Mr. Younger, a merchant in the
American trade, and a resident of Whitehaven, a port
at the entrance of the Solway, in the adjoining kingdom
of England.

Thus far, there was nothing unusual in the career
of the boy. He neither ran away to go to sea, nor did
any thing to throw a tinge of romance around this
period of his life. His first voyage was to America ;
with which country his personal connection may be
said to have commenced at the age of thirteen. The
vessel in which he sailed was the Friendship, of White-
haven, Benson master, and her destination the Rap-
pahannock. Here he found his brother William estab
lished, and, while in port, young Paul became an inmate
of his house.

Jones manifested great aptitude for his profession,

8 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

and soon acquired all that portion of seamanship that is
not dependent on experience and judgment; the last
two being ever the work of time. The affairs of his
master becoming embarrassed, however, the indentures
were given up, and the lad was left to shift for himself
at an age when counsel and government were the most
necessary. It is a proof that young Paul was not a
common youth, that there is no difficulty in tracing him
through all this period of his humble career. As soon
as left to his own exertions, he shipped as third mate
in the King George, a slaver out of Whitehaven. This
must have occurred about the year 1765, or when he was
eighteen, as we find him, in 1766, the first mate of the
Two Friends, of Kingston, Jamaica, a vessel in the same
trade. It would seem that he made but two voyages
to the coast of Africa; and his tender years, necessities,
and the opinions of the day, may well prove his apology.
The pursuit did not please him, and he left the Two
Friends on her return, and sailed for Kirkcudbright as a
passenger, in the John of that port. This circumstance
proved of great importance to him, for the master and
mate died of yellow fever, on the passage, when Mr.
Paul assumed the direction, and carried the vessel
safely to her haven. His reward was the command of
the brig he had most probably been the means of saving;
the vessel belonging to Currie, Beck & Co., of Kirkcud
bright.

This must have occurred in the year 1767.* Here,

* Since the appearance of this sketch in Graham's Magazine,
authentic information has been communicated to the writer on va
rious points, which has induced him to vary a little from his origi
nal statements.

JOHN PAUL JONES. y

then, we find our hero, the son of an humble gardener,
in command of a sea-going craft, at the early age of
twenty, or at that of twenty-one, at the latest. Such
preferment frequently occurs in cases where connections
and patronage unite to push a youth forward ; but
never with the obscure and'unpatronized, without the
existence of a high degree of merit. We want no bet
ter evidence that Paul was discreet, intelligent, indus
trious and worthy of respect, at that period of his life,
than this single fact ; merchants never trusting their
property out of their reach without sending their confi
dence along with it. The new master also discharged
the duties of supercargo ; additional proof of the early
stability of his character.

Our young seaman sailed but two years in this em
ployment. He left the service of the house which had
given him his first command, in consequence of its hav
ing dissolved partnership and having no further em
ployment for him.

In our original sketch of Jones, it was stated that a
prosecution for having caused the death of a certain
Mungo Maxwell, while in command of the John, was
probably connected with his quitting the employment
of Currie, Beck & Co. ; but the fact is denied by his
friends, on seemingly good authority. As ' the occur
rence was the foundation of much calumny against
Jones, when, at a later day, the passions and interests
of nations got to be connected with his character, it is
necessary to relate the circumstances, which appear to
have been as follows :

Jones had occasion to correct Maxwell, in the usual
nautical mode, or by flogging. The punishment was

10 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

probably severe, and it is equally probable that it was
merited. The man, shortly after, shipped in another
vessel, called the Barcelona Packet, where he died in
the course of a week or two, after a few days of low
spirits, accompanied by fever. This occurred in June,
1770. It would seem, however, that Maxwell com
plained to the authorities of Tobago, in which island
the parties then were, of the flogging he had received
from Capt. Paul, and that the latter was summoned to
appear before the judge of the vice-admiralty court to
answer. A certificate of the judge is extant, in which
it is stated, that Maxwell's shoulders exhibited the
proofs of severe flogging, but that he dismissed the
complaint as frivolous, after a hearing. The certificate
adds, that the deponent, the statement being in the form
of an affidavit, carefully examined the back of Maxwell,
and that he has no idea the man could have died in
consequence of the flogging mentioned. Another affi
davit, made by the master of the Barcelona Packet,
establishes the other facts.

The later biographers of Jones have alluded to this
subject, though not always in a way that is sustained
by their own proofs. Sands, the best and most logical
of them all, has fallen into a leading error in his account
of this affair. He appears to think that Maxwell insti
tuted a prosecution against his commander in England,
confounding the facts altogether. Maxwell died long
before he could have reached England, on his pas
sage from Tobago, where he had been flogged, to one
of the Leeward Islands ; nor does it appear that he
ever took any legal step in the matter, beyond the com
plaint laid before the vice-admiralty judge. That a

JOHN PAUL JONES. 11

prosecution for murder was menaced or instituted
against Jones, is shown by one of his own letters. Capt.
Mackenzie, on no visible authority, refers this prosecu
tion to the envy of some of his neighbors and com
petitors of Kirkcudbright. There does not seem to be
any conclusive reason, however, for supposing that the
prosecution occurred anywhere but in the West In
dies. It may have taken place in Great Britain, though
the term " British jury," which Jones uses in connec
tion with this affair, would apply as well to a colonial
as to an English or Scottish jury. There was no trial,
nor is it even certain, that there was even a formal pro
secution af all ; Jones' allusion to the subject being
in the following words — viz. :

" I have enclosed you a copy of an affidavit, made
before Governor Young by the judge of the court of
vice-admiralty, at Tobago, by which you will see with
how little reason my life has been thirsted after, and,
which is much dearer to me, my honor, by maliciously
loading my fair character with obloquy and vile asper
sions. I believe there are few who are hard-hearted
enough to think I have not long since given the world
every satisfaction in my power, being conscious of my
innocence before Heaven, who will one day judge even
my judges. I staked my honor, life, and fortunes for
six long months on the verdict of a British jury, not
withstanding I was sensible of the general prejudices
which ran against me ; but, after all, none of my ac
cusers had the courage to confront me. Yet I am will
ing to convince the world, if reason and facts will do
it, that they have had no foundation for their harsh
treatment," &c.

12 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

This language was probably used by a man who
remained openly within reach of the law, for six months,
inviting by his presence a legal investigation of charges
that involved a felony, without any legal steps having
been commenced. The precise facts are of less import
ance, as it is now reasonably certain that Maxwell did
not die in consequence of the flogging he received from
Jones ; for could a case have been made out against the
latter, it is not probable it would have been abandoned
altogether, when enmity was so active and prejudice
so general. Nor is it material where this persecution
was practiced, his subsequent career proving that our
subject was by no means deserving of the character of
an officer failing of humanity. The occurrence, not
withstanding, appears to have embittered several of the
earlier years of Jones' life ; to have made an impression
against him in his native country, and to have contri
buted to induce him to abandon Scotland ; his last visit
to that country, except as an enemy, taking place in
1771. Jones left the employment of Currie, Beck &
Co., April 1, 1771, and remained in Scotland until near
the close of that year.

On quitting Scotland, Jones repaired to London,
where he assumed the command of a ship called the
Betsey, which was also engaged in the West India
trade. In this vessel he remained until the year 1773,
when he was induced to relinquish his command, in
order to proceed to Virginia, where his brother William
had recently died, and to whose estate he was an heir.
This call upon his services and time was probably sud
den and imperative, as he subsequently complains
much of the losses he suffered, in consequence of hav-

JOHN PAUL JONES.

ing left his affairs in Tobago in the hands of careless
or unfaithful agents. It would seem that Jones reco
vered about ten thousand dollars from the estate of his
brother, though the commonwealth had already admin
istered to it — a circumstance that probably did not at all
Qpntribute to increase the succession. All, or a portion
of the money left in Tobago, was also recovered, so that
our hero might now be said to be at ease in his circum
stances.

At a later period of his life, Jones became a little
remarkable for a display of poetic taste. This ten
dency, which can scarcely be said to have ever ap
proached the "sacred fire," was seen even at this early
day, for he subsequently spoke of his intention to^e-
vote the remainder of his days to calm contemplation
and poetic ease, when he revisited Virginia. This
feeling, quite probably, received some incentive from
the discontent of a man who had not long before
escaped from an inquiry that he deemed a persecu
tion. It is certain that, while resident in Virginia, he
assumed the name of Jones; calling himself John Paul
Jones, instead of John Paul, which was his legal and
proper appellation. The motive of this change of
name, as well as the reason of the selection he made,
are left to conjecture. It is probable the latter was
purely arbitrary, as he does not appear to have had
any near relatives or connections of the name of Jones.
For the change itself, the most rational supposition is,
that it was induced by his difficulties in connection
with the affair of Mungo Maxwell. Sands thinks it
may have come from a determination of founding a
new race, when Jones transferred himself to a new

VOL. II. 2

14 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

country. Mackenzie fancies it may have proceeded
from a wish to conceal his intended service against
England, from the friends he had left in Scotland, or a
desire to prevent his enemies from recognising him as
a native of Great Britain, in the event of capture.
Neither of these reasons is .satisfactory. That of^
Sands is purely imaginary, and unlikely to occur to
a man who does not seem to think of marrying at all.
Those of Mackenzie are equally untenable, since the
friends Jones left in Scotland were too humble in station
to render it necessary, or useful, or probable. How
could one born in the colonies be thought any safer in
the event of capture, in 1775, than one born in Great
Brifcin, allegiance being claimed from all its subjects
alike, by the British crown? In a letter to Robert
Morris, Jones says, " I conclude that Mr. Hewes has
acquainted you with a very great misfortune which
befell me some years ago, and which brought me to
North America. I am under no concern, whatever,
that this, or any other past circumstance of my life,
will sink me in your opinion. Since human wisdom
cannot secure us from accidents, it is the greatest effort
of human wisdom to bear them well." This passage
has induced Mr. Sands to think the "great misfortune"
was some heavy mercantile loss. There is no evidence
to show, nor is it at all probable, that Jones had then
been in circumstances to justify his using such an ex
pression as addressed to a man of Robert Morris' rank
and extensive dealings ; and it is far more rational to
suppose that the word "accidents" has been loosely ap
plied to the circumstances connected with Maxwell's
death, than to any other event of Jones' life. If a

JOHN PAUL JONES. 15

" great misfortune" had any agency in bringing him
tc America, it was probably this event ; and it may
have induced him to change his name, in a moment of
disgust, or of morbid resentment.

It is remarkable that there should still be a mystery
connected with this change of name, in a man of Jones'
celebrity. One of his near connections thinks that the
new appellation was not assumed until he entered the
American navy, and that it might have been taken in
compliment to Gen. Wm. Jones, of North Carolina,
who had been much his friend. This circumstance
may have induced the selection of the name, t-hougli it
scarcely seems sufficient to account for the change
itself. It is probably now too late to hope to explain
the mystery.

The year 1775, therefore, found Jones in every re
spect in a proper mood to seek service in the young
marine that sprung up out of the events of the day.
He offered his services, accordingly, and they were
accepted. There is reason to think Jones had a real
attachment to the colonies, as well as to the principles
for which they contended ; and it is certain that, hav
ing fairly cast his fortunes in them, he had just as good
a moral right to maintain both as any native of the
country. The obligations created by the mere acci
dents of birth, can never, in a moral sense, justly be
put in competition with the social ties that are delibe
rately formed in later life, and he is a traitor only who
betrays by deceiving. The argument, that a native of
England, established in America in 1775, had not the
same moral right to resist parliamentary aggression as
the subject born in the colonies, is like advancing a

16 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

distinction between the social claims and duties of the
man born in Yorkshire and those of the man born in
London. By the English constitution, itself, the resi
dent of the British capital had a right to oppose the
aggressions which led to the American Revolution;
and it was a right that did not extend to open revolt,
merely, because the aggressions did not affect him in
that direct and positive manner that alone justifies re
sistance to existing law under the plea of necessity.
All attempts, then, to brand Jones as a pirate, and as
having been peculiarly a traitor to his country, must
rest on fallacies for their support ; his case being sub
stantially the same as those of Charles Lee, Gates,
Montgomery, and a hundred others of merit and repu
tation ; the difference of serving on the ocean, instead
of serving on the land, and of being the means of car
rying the war into the island of Great Britain itself,
being the only reason why so much odium has been
heaped on the one, while the others have virtually
escaped. .'...•?

Jones does not appear to have had any connection
with the American Navy, until a short time before the
passage of the law of December 22, 1775, which, in
fact, gave it legal and efficient existence. By this law,
a commander-in-chief, four captains, and thirteen lieu
tenants were appointed. The latter were classed as
first, second, and third lieutenants, and of these the
name of John Paul Jones takes rank of all others of the
highest grade. His commission is said to have been
dated the 7th of December, fifteen days before the pas
sage of the law. This, in fact, made him the sixth in
rank in the service ; though other appointments were

JOHN PAUL JONES. 17

shortly after made, and the question of permanent rank
was reserved for future consideration. Thus, in the
following year, when independence had been declared,
and the rank was regulated, we find Dudley Salton-
stall, the oldest captain by the law of December, 1775,
placed as the fourth on the list, and Abraham Whipple,
the second, reduced as low as to be the twelfth. As
respected himself, Jones subsequently complained of a
similar mortification, though it would seem unjustly, as
the whole matter was understood when the appoint
ments were made. There was some hardship in his
case, however, as two of those who were his junior
lieutenants in 1775, were made captains above him in
1776. Still, it was in a revolution, related to original
appointments, and every thing depended on the origi
nal understanding.

Jones was ordered to the Alfred 24, Commodore
Hopkins' own vessel, as her first lieutenant. A sloop
called the Providence was purchased, and he was
offered the command of her, but declined it, in conse
quence of his ignorance of the mode of sailing such a
craft. Jones always affirmed that he first hoisted the
flag of the United Colonies, with his own hands, when
Commodore Hopkins first visited the Alfred. This
occurred on the Delaware, ofT Philadelphia ; and the
flag was the pine-tree and rattle-snake, the symbols
then used by the colonies.

As a matter of course, Jones was in the expedition
against New Providence. The squadron did not get
out of the Delaware until the 17th February, 1776,
lying frozen in, at Reedy Island, for six weeks. It is
supposed that this circumstance enabled Capt. Barry

18 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

to get to sea in the Lexington before it, though that
brig was purchased and commissioned subsequently to
the equipment of the vessels of Commodore Hopkins'
squadron.

Jones was useful in piloting the vessels through
some difficulties on the Bahama Banks, and seems to
have enjoyed a consideration every way equal to his
rank. In the action which occurred with the Glas
gow 24, on the return of the squadron to America, he
was stationed on the gun-deck of the Alfred, and had
no other responsibility than was attached to the ma
nagement of his battery. He states, himself, that the
main-deck guns of the Alfred were so near the water
as to have been useless in a good breeze. On this
occasion, however, the wind was light, and nothing
occurred to disturb the fire but the position of the ves
sel. Her wheel-rope was shot away, and, broaching
to, the Alfred was sharply raked by the Glasgow, for
some time, and must have been beaten but for the pre
sence of the other vessels. As it was, the English
ship got into Newport ; a sufficient triumph of itself,
when it is remembered that she had four or five ene
mies on her, two of which were but little her inferiors
in force. On the llth of April, Com. Hopkins carried
his vessels into New London.

This was unquestionably Jones' first cruise, and the
affair with the Glasgow was his first engagement. In
that day slavers were not obliged to fight their way, or
to run, as at present ; and there is no evidence that
our hero had ever before met an enemy. He must
have been at sea two or three years, during the con
tinuation of the war of 1756, but he nowhere speaks

JOHN PAUL JONES. 19

of any adventures with the French cruisers. As the
squadron sailed on the 17th February, and got into
New London on the llth April, the cruise lasted only
fifty-three days ; though it may be deemed an adven
turous one, when we recollect the power of England
and the indifferent qualities of the vessels.

From New London, Commodore Hopkins carried all
his vessels round to Providence, when the affair with
the Glasgow resulted, as unfortunate military opera
tions are very apt to do, in courts martial. Captain
Hazard, of the Providence 12, the sloop Jones had
once declined accepting, was cashiered, and Jones was
appointed to succeed him. His orders were dated
May 10th, 1776. There being no blanks, the order
to take the Providence as her captain was written by
Commodore Hopkins on the back of the commission
Jones held from Congress, as a lieutenant. Being, at
that time, certainly the oldest lieutenant in the navy,
his right to the command could not well be questioned.

The first service on which Jones was employed,
after getting his vessel, was to transport certain troops
to New York. Having done this with success, he re
turned to Rhode Island, hove out his sloop, and pre
pared her for more critical exploits. In June he was
ready again for sea. He was now employed a few
days in convoying military stores through the narrow
waters about the eastern entrance of Long Island
Sound ; and, as this was done in the presence of an
enemy of greatly superior force, it was an extremely
delicate and arduous duty. He was frequently chased,
and several times under fire, but always escaped by
address and precaution. On one occasion he covered

20 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

the retreat of a brig that was coming in from the West
Indies, laden with military supplies for Washington,
and which was hard pressed by the Cerberus frigate.
By drawing the attention of the latter to himself, the
brig escaped, and, proving a fast vessel, she was sub
sequently bought into the service, and called the
Hampden.

It would seem that the spirit, enterprise and sea
manship Jones displayed, during the fortnight he was
thus employed, at once gave him a character in the
navy; his boldness and success having passed into
history, although no event of a brilliancy likely to at
tract the common attention occurred. This is a proof
that seamen appreciated what he had done.

In July, Jones sailed for Boston, always with con
voy ; thence he proceeded to the Delaware. As this
was the moment when Lord Howe's fleet was crowd
ing the American waters, the service was particularly
critical, but it was successfully performed. While at
Philadelphia, Jones received his commission as captain,
signed by John Hancock ; it was dated August the 8th.
This fact rests on his own assertion,* though Mr. Sher-
burne has given a copy of a commission dated October
10th, which he appears to think was the true commis
sion of Jones. In this he is probably right ; new com
missions, arranged according to the regulated rank,

* It is proper to say, that the late Miss Jeanette Taylor, Jones'
niece, a woman of intelligence and character, assured the writer
that she once possessed the commission of her uncle, that was
dated August 8th, but had given it away as containing an auto
graph signature of Hancock. The fact is of no material moment,
the rank having been regulated only in October.

JOHN PAUL JONES. 21

having doubtless been issued accordingly. It will be
seen that Independence was declared a little before the
arrival of the Providence at Philadelphia.

Hitherto, Jones had sailed under the orders of Com.
Hopkins. He was now brought in immediate contact
with the Marine Committee of Congress; and it is a
proof of the estimation in which he was held, that the
latter offered him the command of the Hampden, the
vessel he had rescued from the Cerberus, by his own
address. Jones, by this time, had got to understand the
Providence, and he preferred remaining in her, now
that he had her ready for immediate action, to accepting
a vessel that had still to be equipped, though the latter
was much the most considerable craft. The Providence
mounted only twelve four-pounders, and she had a
crew of seventy men.

The Marine Committee next ordered the Providence
out on a cruise that was not to exceed three months,
giving her commander roving orders. Jones sailed on
the 12th of August, and went off Bermuda. Here he
fell in with the Solebay, frigate, which vessel outsailed
him on a wind, with a heavy sea going, and actually
got within pistol shot of him, in spite of all his efforts.
While closing, the frigate kept up a steady fire from
her chase-guns. Jones saw that he must change his
course, if he would escape; and, getting ready, he
bore up, set his square-sail, studding-sails, &c., and
went off before the wind, directly under the broadside
of his enemy. The manoeuvre was a bold one, but its
success must have been, in some measure, owing to a
concurrence of favorable circumstances. There was a
nross sea on, and the Solebay not anticipating- any se-

22 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

rious conflict with so inconsiderable an enemy, doubtless
had her broadside guns secured ; or, if either battery
had been manned at all, it was probably on the weather
side, the Providence having been a little to windward
during most of the chase. Previously to putting his
helm up, Jones edged gradually away, thus effecting
his intention completely by surprise ; the officers of the
Solebay having reason to suppose they were gradually
weathering on the chase, until they saw her going off
dead before the wind. By the time the frigate could
get her light sails set, the sloop was beyond the reach
of grape, and her safety was insured, the Providence
being unusually fast under her square canvas.

After this critical chase, which had some such repu
tation, though in a less degree, at the commencement
of the war of the Revolution, as that of thfe Constitution
possessed at the commencement of the war of 1812, the
Providence went to the eastward. Off the Isle of Sable,
she fell in with the Milford 32, which chased her, under
fire, for nearly eight hours. Jones does not appear to
have run the same risk on this occasion, as in the affair
of the Solebay, though he evidently considered the ad
venture creditable to himself. In point of fact, he kept,
most of the time, just without the drop of the enemy's
shot, though there were moments when both vessels
kept up a distant cannonade. If there was any par
ticular merit on the part of the Americans, it was in the
steadiness and judgment with which Jones estimated his
own advantages, and the audacity with which he used
them. Such experiments certainly give confidence to
a marine, and increase its means of usefulness, by
bringing the hazards a vessel is compelled to run, down

JOHN PAUL JONES. 23

to a just and accurate standard. Maneuvering boldly,
in face of a superior force, either on shore or afloat, is
an evidence of high military confidence, and insomuch
a pledge of both spirit and skill. The influence of both
these little affairs must have been highly beneficial on
the temper of the American navy.

The day succeeding the last chase, Jones went into
Canseau, where he destroyed the English fishing es
tablishment, burned several vessels, and shipped some
men. He next went to Isle Madame, and made several
descents of a similar character, displaying great activity
and zeal. In the course of the cruise the Providence
made sixteen prizes, besides destroying a great number
of fishermen. She was out more than six weeks, reach
ing Providence, on her return, October 7th, 1776.

The representations of Capt. Jones induced Com.
Hopkins to send an expedition against the colliers of
Cape Breton, including the adjacent fisheries. The
Alfred had not been out since her first cruise, and was
then lying in the river without a crew. That ship, the
Hampden, and Providence were selected for the pur
pose, and the command of the whole was assigned to
Jones. No better proof of the estimation in which he
was held, or of the influence he had obtained by means
of his character, is needed than this fact. The orders
were dated October 22d, 1776, and were perfectly legal ;
for, though Congress regulated the rank on the 10th,
Com. Hopkins continued at the head of the navy until
the succeeding January, when his office was abolished.

Jones soon found he could not collect a sufficient
number of men for the three vessels, and he came to a
determination to sail with only the Alfred and Hamp-

24 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

den. This arrangement was changed, however, in
consequence of the Hampden's getting ashore, and her
officers and people were transferred to the Providence.
This occurred on the 27th October, and the two vessels
were unable to get out until the 2d of November. As it
was, Jones conceived he put to sea very short-handed; the
Alfred mustering only 140 souls, whereas she had sailed
from Philadelphia, the previous February, with 235.*
As this is the time at which the rank was regulated,
though the circumstances do not seem to have yet been
known in Rhode Island, it is proper to explain the in
fluence the new arrangement ha,(J on the position of our
subject. In the first appointments, Jones ranked as the
senior first lieutenant of the navy. The fourth officer
of the same grade was Mr. Hoysted Hacker, who was
promoted to a command soon after Jones himself re
ceived his own advancement. Still, Capt. Jones ranked
Capt. Hacker, and the latter had actually been ap
pointed to command the Hampden, in the expedition to
the eastward. This same officer was transferred to the
Providence, and actually sailed as a subordinate to Jones
on the 2d November, when, by the regulated rank esta
blished by a vote of Congress twenty-two days before,
he was placed above him on the new list of captains.
On that list appear the names of twenty-four captains.
Of these, Jones ranks as the eighteenth, and Capt.
Hacker as the sixteenth. It is not surprising that the
former complained of such a change ; though his argu-

* Clarke, Mackenzie, and various other writers give the Alfred
and Columbus, each, 300 men, on the expedition against New
Providence ; crews altogether disproportioned to the sizes of the
ships. Jones' own authority is used for what we say.

JOHN PAUL JONES. 25

ments against the elevatioai of many respectable gentle
men who were placed over him, under original appoint
ments, at the regular formation of the marine and after the
declaration of independence, are by no means as strong.

The Alfred and Providence went to the eastward, as
had been arranged, crossing the shoals. They passed
many of the enemy's ships that were lying off Block
Island, in the night, anchoring in Tarpaulin Cove, for
light to go over the shallow water. While lying in
the Cove, a privateer was examined for deserters, four
of which were found, and a few men were pressed, as
Jones always maintained, in obedience to orders from
Com. Hopkins. This affair, subsequently, gave Jones
a good deal of trouble. He was sued by the owner of
the privateer, the damages being laid at £10,000;
Com. Hopkins declining to justify the act. This, for
some time, was one of the many grievances of which
Jones was in the habit of complaining, and quite pro
bably with justice.

OfFLouisburg, three prizes were made, one of which
proved to be very valuable. It was a large store-ship,
called the Mellish, conveying clothing to the British
troops. The following night, the Providence parted
company in a snow-storm. The two smaller prizes
were now ordered in, but Jones continued his cruise,
keeping the Mellish in company on account of her
great importance to the American cause. A landing
was made at Canseau, a good deal of injury done to the
enemy, and the ships again put to sea. Off Louisburg,
Jones took three colliers, out of a convoy, in a fog.
Two days later, he captured a fine Letter of Marque,
out of Liverpool, The Alfred was now full of prisoners,

^01,. II. 8

26 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

and, it being of great importance to secure the Mellish,
Jones shaped his course for Boston. On the 7th De
cember, he fell in with his old acquaintance, the Mil-
ford, and had another critical chase, in which he suc
ceeded in covering the Mellish, though the Letter of
Marque was recaptured, owing to a false manoeuvre of
the prize-master. On the 15th, the Alfred went into
Boston, the Mellish, for the sake of certainty, going to
Dartmouth.

At Boston, Jones received an order from Com. Hop
kins to transfer the Alfred to Capt. Hinman, who was
his junior, on the regulated list, even, by two numbers.
This was certainly a hard case, and cannot well be ac
counted for, except through the existence of prejudices
against our hero. That Jones was the subject of many
prejudices, throughout his life , is beyond a question ;
and it can scarcely be doubted that some of these feel
ings had their origin in faults of character. It is highly
probable that he had some of the notions that the Eng
lishman, or European, is known still to entertain toward
the Americans, and which were much more general
half-a-century since than they are to-day, the betrayal
of which would not be very likely to make friends. It
is undeniable that the Americans were an exceedingly
provincial people in 1777 ; nor is the reproach entirely
removed at the present time; and nothing is more
natural than to hear men educated in a more advanced
state of society, declaiming about defects that strike
them unpleasantly ; or nothing more natural than to
find those strictures producing an active and blind re
sentment. Jones was unaided, too, by connections;
even the delegates of Virginia appearing not to take the

JOHN PAUL JONES. 27

usual interest of the representative, in an unknown and
unsupported stranger. His chief reliance seems to have
been on Mr. Hewes, of the Marine Committee, and on
Robert Morris; the latter of whom became his firm
friend in the end.

Jones remonstrated against this appointment of Capt.
Hinman, and succeeded in getting an order to place the
Alfred, Columbus, Cabot, Hampden and Providence
under his own command, with directions to sail to the
southward, with great discretionary powers. These
orders produced no results ; Com, Hopkins, according
to Jones' account of the matter, throwing impediments
in the way. It is probable, too, that in February, 1777,
the country was not in a condition to fit out a military
enterprise of so much importance ; want of means
being quite as instrumental in defeating Jones' hopes
as want of will. There is, also, reason for thinking
that Hopkins distrusted Jones' feelings as regards the
country ; the result most likely of some of his loose and
indiscreet remarks,

Many of Jones' official letters, written during the
cruises he had made, have been preserved, and aid in
throwing light on his character. In general, they are
plainly and respectably written, though they are not
entirely free from the vaunting which was more in
fashion formerly than it is to-day; and occasionally
they betray an exaggerated and false taste. On the
whole, however, they may be received as superior to
the reports of most of the commanders of the age;
many captains in even the regular marine of the mo
ther country making reports essentially below those of
Jones in sentiment, distinctness, and diction.

28 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

Hopkins having some of Jones' new squadron with
himself, at Providence, and refusing to give them up,
the latter made a journey to Philadelphia, in order
to demand redress of Congress. He does not appear
to have been regularly apprized of the regulated rank,
until this occasion. A memorial, addressed to Con
gress, at a later day, and on the subject of rank, and his
other grievances, was intemperate in language, and
probably did his cause, which was tolerably strong in
facts, no good. Speaking of the officers who were put
above him on the regulated list, he says — " Among
those thirteen, there are individuals who can neither
pretend to parts nor education, and with whom, as a
private gentleman, / would disdain to associate"
This is sufficiently vain-glorious, and downright rude.
If he betrayed similar feelings while at Philadelphia, it
is not surprising that his claims were slighted.

Jones had an explanation with Hancock on the sub
ject of his rank, and left Philadelphia, soothed with
assurances that his services were appreciated. He
had the indiscretion, however, to let the commission,
dated August 5th, 1770, pass out of his hands, and was
never able to recover it. This commission, he afterward
affirmed, was the first granted after the declaration of
independence, and entitled him to be put at the head
of the list of captains.*

By the journal of Congress, it would seem that a
resolution was passed on the 15th March, 1777, direct
ing that one of those ships that had been previously

* It will be remembered that Miss Taylor told the writer she
once owned this commission, and had given it away.

JOHN PAUL JONES. 29

ordered to be purchased, should be given to " Capt.
John Paul Jones, until better provision can be made for
him," Referring to the dates of these different trans
actions, we are left to believe that this resolution was
passed as some atonement for depriving our hero of his
former command : that the project of sending him out
with the vessels which Com. Hopkins detained, was
subsequently formed, and a third means of employing
this active officer was suggested after his visit to Phila
delphia. It must be confessed, however, that much
confusion exists in the dates of many of the events con
nected with the life of Jones, those connected with the
resolutions of Congress, in particular, often appearing
irreconcilable with known occurrences, unless we sup
pose that the passage of a resolution and its promulga
tion were by no means simultaneous. Thus it is that
we find Jones expressing his surprise at the regulated
rank, in April, 1777, though it was enacted in October,
1776.

The ship which was assigned to Jones, under the
resolution just mentioned, was a vessel called the
Ranger. She lay at Portsmouth, New Hampshire, and
wanted a great deal of work to fit her for sea. Her
new captain immediately set about the necessary
arrangements, when the third project alluded to was
brought up, and he received fresh orders. The com
missioners in Paris had ordered a very heavy frigate to
be built in Holland, on account of government. This
ship was, at first, called the Indien, and subsequently
the South Carolina. She was one of the heaviest sin
gle-decked ships that had then ever been constructed,
mounting Swedish thirty-sixes on her main deck. The
8*

30 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

idea was now to give this ship to Jones, and to send
him out to join hep, with a party of officers and men, in
a French Letter of Marque, called the Amphitrite, that
had recently arrived with stores from Europe. The
arrangement contemplated that Jones should cruise
in the Amphitrite, on his way out, and, as France,
was then at peace with England, this could only be
effected by a transfer of property. Owing to some
difficulty of this nature, the scheme fell through;
and, in June, by another resolution, Jones was ordered
to the Ranger again. This ship he commenced fitting
for sea, though it required months to effect the object.
While engaged in the negotiation about the Amphi
trite, Jones received a third commission as a captain,
from the Marine Committee, direct. The two pre
ceding it had been commissions to command particu
lar vessels, while the present made him, in general
terms, a captain in the navy, by virtue of which he
might command any vessel of the government. This
was done because the committee did not know precisely
what the commissioners in France had effected in the
way of ships in Europe. The date of this last com
mission corresponded with that given under the regu
lated rank.

It is worthy of remark, that the very day Congress
ordered Jones to the Ranger, it adopted the stars and
stripes as the flag of the republic. This was June 14th,
1777. One of the first things Jones did, on reaching
his ship, was to hoist this new ensign. He always
claimed to have been the first man to hoist the flag of
1775, in a national ship, and the first man to show the
present ensign on board a man-of-war. This may bo

JOHN PAUL JONES. 31

true or not. There was a weakness about the character
of the man that rendered him a little liable to self-delu
sions of this nature, and, while it is probable he was
right as to the flag which was shown before Philadel
phia, the town where Congress was sitting, it is by no
means as reasonable to suppose that the first of the per
manent flags was shown at a place as distant as Ports
mouth. The circumstances are of no moment, except
as they serve to betray a want of simplicity of character,
that was rather a failing with the man, and his avidity
for personal distinction of every sort.

The Ranger was not ready for sea before the 15th
October. Even then her equipment was very imper
fect, the vessel having but one suit of sails, and some
of these were made of insufficient cloth. The ship
was frigate built, like most of the sloops of that day,
and was pierced for twenty-six guns ; viz., eighteen
below, and eight above. This number was furnished,
but he rejected all but those for the main deck, mount
ing eighteen sixes. Even these guns he considered as
three diameters of the bore too short. Of men he had
enough, but his stores were very short, and it is a sin
gular fact, that he could obtain but a barrel of ruin for
his whole crew. Under such difficulties, however,
was the independence of this country obtained.

The Ranger sailed from Portsmouth, New Hamp
shire, for France, Nov. 1st, 1777. This was the first
time Jones had left America, or the American waters,
since his arrival in Virginia, after the death of his bro
ther. He still went to Europe in expectation of obtain
ing the Dutch-built frigate, intending to cruise in her,
with the Ranger in company. On the 2d Dec. the

32 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

Ranger arrived at Nantes, having made two captures
on the passage. She saw a convoy, but got nothing
from it, and had a short chase with a two-decked ship.
On all occasions, Jones represents his people, who were
principally eastern men, as behaving well.

A severe disappointment awaited Jones on reaching
France. Owing to the jealousy of England, the com
missioners had found themselves under the necessity
of transferring the ship building in Holland to the King
of France ; an arrangement which deprived them of all
authority over her.* Jones submitted to this defeat of
his hopes with a moderation and good sense that are in
his favor ; thus proving, we think, that his many pre
vious complaints were founded on just principles, in his
own opinion at least, and not in querulousness of cha
racter, as has been sometimes alleged ; for, in this case,
the evil being unavoidable, he saw no good motive for
quarrelling with fortune. He consoled himself with the

* The Indien was subsequently hired to the State of South Ca
rolina, and had her name changed to that of the state. The nego
tiation was carried on through the agency of the Chevalier de
Luxembourg. In his History of the Navy, the writer mentions
his belief that this Chevalier de Luxembourg was not a sovereign
prince, as has been supposed, but a member of the House of Mont-
morency. In an Acte de famille of this illustrious house, which
was made in this century, we find these words — viz. :

" 1731. The Duke of Chatillon had but one son, Charles Paul
Sigismund, known by the name of Duke of Bouteville ; who had
an only son, Charles Anne de Montmorency-Luxembourg, Duke
of Olonne. The Duke of Olonne had two sons, of which one,
known as the Chevalier de Luxembourg, is dead without issue."

There is no question that this Chevalier de Luxembourg is the
person who hired the Indien to the State of South Carolina, on
shares. As the ship had been given to the king, may not this have
been a secret experiment, in royal privateering? '

JOHN PAUL JONES. 33

knowledge that Congress thought him worthy of so
important a trust, and says, " I can bear the disappoint
ment with philosophy."

As soon as all hopes of getting another and better
ship were abandoned, Jones took the Ranger round to
Q,uiberon Bay, convoying some American vessels.
Here he met the fleet of M. Le Motte Picquet, and
opened a negotiation for a salute. His request was
acceded to, and salutes were exchanged, not only with
this distinguished officer, but, a few days later, with the
Cornte d'Orvillers, the commander-in-chief o£ the
Brest fleet. In consequence of these proceedings, Jones
claimed the honor of having received the first salute to
the American flag, as he did that of having first hoisted
the flag itself. It is certain he is mistaken as to the for
mer of these claims, unless he means the particular flag
adopted by Congress, June, 1777 ; for a serious diffi
culty occurred in consequence of a Dutch governor's
having saluted an American vessel of war in the West
Indies, the year previously. Still, the motive and the
feeling were the same, and it was certainly a point
gained to obtain a salute from a French commander-in-
chief at the time mentioned.

While lying among the French ships, Jones seems
to have had a good deal of communication with its flag
officers. He even went so far as to submit certain
plans to them for expeditions to America, a general war
being now certain, and his projects show an active and
fertile mind. These qualities, indeed, form the great
and distinctive features of his character, one military
scheme being no sooner disposed of than he turned his
thoughts to another with untiring ingenuity.

34 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

April lOtJi, 1778, the Ranger again went to sea
alone, Jones having relinquished all hope of doing any
thing, for the present at least, without achieving it
with his own limited means. It is usual to ascribe
more credit to the great cruise that succeeded than to
this of the Ranger, and yet Jones proba.bly never
showed more of his real character than in the enter
prise which he now undertook. We shall first relate
the events as they occurred, and then give a summary
of their character and importance.

On the 14th, the Ranger took a vessel, loaded with
flaxseed, and bound to Ireland. This prize secured,
she shaped her course for St. George's Channel. Off
Dublin she captured a London ship. The weather being
favorable, Jones now determined to make a descent at
Whitehaven, the place out of which he had first sailed,
in order to destroy the shipping by fire. With this
view, on the evening of the 18th, he was off' the port,
and, about ten at night, he was on the point of landing
himself at the head of a party of volunteers, when the
wind shifted, and began to blow so fresh, directly on
shore, as to render the descent impracticable. The
ship made sail to claw off the land.

The next day the Ranger chased a revenue wherry
unsuccessfully, and, though the ship was disguised as
a merchantman, it is thought the crew of the boat sus
pected her of being an enemy. It could not well be
otherwise, indeed, since Jones, in his desire to get the
boat, kept up a smart fire on her for some time. The
next morning he found himself so near a coaster as to
be compelled to sink her, in order to prevent the dis
covery of his presence. Another attempt inshore was

JOHN PAUL JONES. 35

abandoned, the same day, on account of the state of the
wind.

All this time Jones was close in with the land, visible
from the shore, and looking into the different bays and
roadsteads as he passed along the coast. One cutter he
chased into the Clyde, going as high as the Rock of Ailsa,
and he sunk a Dublin sloop, to prevent intelligence.

On the 20th, the Ranger was off Carrickfergus, and
detained a fishing-boat ^hat came alongside. A ship
was at anchor in the road, which the prisoners said was
the Drake, Capt. Burden, a vessel of about the size,
armament and metal of the Ranger ; though she is said
to have carried two more guns. This was just such an
opportunity as Jones wanted, and though he was alone
on an enemy's coast, and might be said to be fighting
with a halter round his neck, he at once resolved to
attack his enemy at anchor, as soon as it was dark.
That night, therefore, the Ranger stood in, with a
strong breeze, with the intention of laying the Drake
athwart hawse, grappling, and fighting it out. Owing
to the darkness, however, and the anchor's hanging, the
Ranger brought up about half a cable's length on the
Drake's quarter, instead of the position desired, and
Jones at once saw the expediency of abandoning the
design. He ordered the cable cut, on the instant, so as
to give the appearance of its having parted in snubbing,
made sail, and began to beat out of the loch. As no
warlike demonstration had yet been made, singular as
it may seem, this was done without molestation from
the Drake. It was Jones' intention to work to wind
ward, and to renew the attempt the same night, but it
blew so fresh that he was glad to get an offing on any

*

36 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

terms. The wind increased to a gale, and he stood
over toward the coast of Scotland to find a lee.

As soon as the weather moderated, Jones determined
to renew the attempt on Whitehaven. On the night
of the 22d he got off that port again, though not as close
in as he wished, in consequence of the lightness of the
wind. At midnight he left the ship, having with him,
in two boats, thirty-one volunteers. Day began to
dawn just as the party reached the outer pier. Jones
now divided his men. One party was sent, under Lieut.
Wallirigford, to set fire to the shipping on the north side
of the harbor, while he went himself with the other to
do the same on the south. There was a small fort on
Jones' side, with a few men in it as a guard. He
scaled the walls, found the men in the guard-house,
where he secured them, and spiked the guns. Jones
now took a single officer and went a distance of a quar
ter of a mile to another battery, the guns of which he
also spiked.

On his return from the distant battery, Jones expected
to find the ships on fire. So far from this, however,
nothing material had been done. Mr. Wallingford had
altogether abandoned his portion of the enterprise, the
candle on which he relied having burnt out just as it
was time to use it. The same accident had occurred
on his own side of the harbor also. It was now broad
daylight, and the alarm had been given, but Jones
would not abandon his design. A candle was procured
from a house, and a fire was kindled in the steerage
of a large ship. As this vessel lay surrounded by a
hundred and fifty or two hundred other craft, all high
and dry, the tide being out, there is no question that

JOHN PAUL JONES. 37

a good fire, fairly kindled, would have destroyed the
whole.

The great object of Jones was now to repair the loss
of time. The sun had risen, and the people of the
place were already in motion, though confused and in
alarm. The fire burnt but slowly, and search was made
for combustibles to aid it. At length a barrel of tar was
found and poured upon the flames. Jones then collect
ed his men, and ordered them to embark from the end
of the pier. By this time the inhabitants of the place
were out in thousands, and some of the men ran towards
the pier. Jones met -the last with a presented pistol,
ordering them off, at the risk of their lives. Such was
the influence of courage and steadiness, that these men
retreated, leaving the pier in possession of this handful
of enemies. As the flames now burst out of the steer
age and began to ascend the rigging, and the sun had
been up an hour, Jones thought it prudent to retire.
He had remained some time on the pier all alone, and
embarked without molestation, though the eminences
around were covered with spectators.

The boats retired without difficulty. Attempts were
made to fire on them from the batteries, but the guns
were all spiked. One or two pieces, however, had
escaped, or, as Jones believed, ship's guns were dragged
down upon the pier, 'and began to play upon the adven
turers without effect. No person was injured in the
affair, and only one man was missing. This person is
supposed to have deserted, and to have given the alarm ;
such a man coming to several houses with the news
that a ship had been set on fire. Nor was any material
damage done to the shipping, the people of the place

VOL. II. 4

38 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

succeeding in extinguishing the flames, before they
reached the other vessels. Jones took three prisoners,
whom he brought off as a sort of trophy.

The same day the Ranger crossed the Solway, and
made a landing at St. Mary's Isle, where is the seat of
the Earls of Selkirk. Jones had but a single boat on
this occasion, and he landed again in person. His ob
ject was to seize Lord Selkirk, fancying that a prisoner
of his rank might be useful in affecting the treatment
of the Americans, who were then in the English prisons.
Ascertaining, soon after he had landed, that Lord Sel
kirk was not at home, Jones returned to his boat. But
the men complained of being again disappointed, and,
after some discussion, their captain assented that they
might go to the house and ask for plate. They were
limited to accepting such as was offered. The truth is
not to be concealed, that an officer was at the head of
this party, but many of the officers of that period were
men taken from trading vessels, and were actuated by
motives that were little honorable to them. Lady Sel
kirk received the officers of this party herself, none of
the men being suffered to enter the house. Some plate,
valued at about .£100,* .was delivered, and the party
retired, doing no other harm.

In the present day, such an act would be entirely
unjustifiable. No American officer would dare to be

* The connection of Jones, already mentioned, affirms that the
value of the plate taken was more than $5000. Our information
was obtained from the present head of the house of Selkirk. Which
is right, it is impossible to say, though it strikes us that the smaller
sum is most likely to be the true one. If Jones actually paid £1000
sterling out of his own pocket, to redeem this plate, as Miss Tay
lor seems to think, it greatly enhances the merit of his sacrifices.

JOHN PAUL JONES. 39

guilty of it openly ; and it is to be hoped no one would
wish to do it at all. Acts very similar to it, however,
have been committed on our own coasts within the last
thirty years, if not with the connivance of officers, at
least in their presence. If we go back a century ear
lier, it was the common mode of warfare of the Drakes
and other commanders of the English service. As it
was, Jones was sensible of its unworthiness, and he
subsequently purchased the plate and restored it to its
owner. Owing to the difficulties of communication,
nearly or quite ten years elapsed before Lord Selkirk
actually recovered his property, but he acknowledges
that he got it at last, and expressed his satisfaction with
the course pursued by Jones.

A letter written by Jones to Lady Selkirk, on this
occasion, has been often published, and has been greatly
praised. It has much of the exaggerated and false taste
of the writer, while it shows creditable sentiments. Its
great fault is a want of simplicity, a defect that seems
to have pervaded Jones' character. That Jones com
mitted a fault in allowing the plunder at all is undenia
ble, though he seems to have yielded solely to a tempo
rary expedient, reserving to himself the intention to
repair the wrong at the earliest occasion. Sordid he
was not ; and admitting the redemption to have been an
after-thought even, there is no reason for believing that
he was any way influenced by a wish to make money.
With such an end in view, a man of his enterprise
would scarcely have limited his efforts to accepting the
little plate that was offered. He \vould have stripped
the house.

The landing at St. Mary's Isle occurred on the 23d

40 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

April, and the following morning the Ranger once more
appeared off Carrickfergus, where Jones saw symptoms
that the Drake was preparing to come out. That the
character of the American ship was not known, how
ever, is clear from the fact that the Drake sent a boat
out to reconnoitre. This boat was decoyed alongside,
and her officer and crew captured. From his prisoners
Jones ascertained that intelligence of what had occurred
at Whitehaven reached Carrickfergus the previous
night, and no doubt was entertained that the ship which
had appeared off the one place was the vessel that had
made the attempt on the Drake in the other. The lat
ter vessel had weighed the lost anchor of the Ranger ;
and it was now ascertained that she had received many
volunteers on board, and was coming out in quest of her
enemy. The only doubt, therefore, which could exist
among the English was whether the vessel now in the
offing was the same as that which had made the two
previous attempts.

When the Drake got underway, she was accompanied
by several boats filled with persons who were disposed
to be witnesses of the action. Jones hove-to and waited
for his enemy, amid a scene that might well have dis-
.turbed the self-confidence of a man of less fortitude.
He was in the narrow waters of the most powerful
naval power on earth, with the three.kingdoms in plain
view. Alarm smokes were raised on each side of the
channel, in great numbers, showing that his foes were
up and doing. He had already given occasion for ex
traordinary activity, and an enemy that had enjoyed
time to get perfectly ready, and which, to say the least,
was always his equal in force, was coming out from her

JOHN PAUL JONES. 41

moorings purposely to engage him. This, according
to a favorite expression of Jones himself, was literally
going into " harm's way."

The tide was not favorable, and the English ship
came out very slowly. The Ranger's drift was to wind
ward, and her helm was put up several times, in order
to run down toward her enemy, when she would throw
her main-top-sail aback, and lie with her courses in the
brails. As soon as the amateurs ascertained that the
boat which was towing astern of the strange ship was
that sent out by the Drake, they all bore up and ran
back into the loch. At length, long after the turn of
the day, the English ship succeeded in weathering the
headland, and was enabled to lay a straight course into
the offing. She now set her colors, and the Ranger
showed what it was then the fashion of England to call
the "rebel flag." Jones filled and stood off the land,
under easy canvas, to lead his enemy out mid-channel.
The Drake followed, gradually closing, until she got
within hail.

Jones had at length gained his point, and was in mo
mentary expectation of commencing an action with an
enemy's ship of equal force. While he awaited her
fire, he was hailed, with a demand to know who and
what he was. The answer was given by the master,
under Jones' direction — " This is the American conti
nental ship Ranger," he said ; " we wait for you, and
beg you will come on. The sun is little more than an
hour high, and it is time to begin." This cool invita
tion was scarcely given before the Ranger fell broad
off and delivered her fire. The Drake answered this
attack, the two ships closing and running off before a
4*

42 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

light wind. It was soon apparent that the Ranger was
getting the best of it ; her adversary's spars and sails
beginning to suffer. Still the action was animated and
well maintained for just one hour and four minutes,
when the Drake called out for quarter ; her ensign
having been previously shot away.

This battle was fairly fought, side by side, and the
victory not only gallantly but neatly won. Jones states,
in his account of the cruise, that no one on board the
Drake placed her people, including the volunteers, at
less than one hundred and sixty, while some admitted
there must have been one hundred and ninety souls
on board. He estimated the loss of the Drake, in killed
and wounded, at forty-two, though this exceeds the
English statement by nearly half. The volunteers
must have rendered the official account of the English
very problematical, and there was somewhat of conjec
ture in that of Jones. Captain Burden fell by a mus
ket-shot in the head, though he was found alive on
taking possession of the prize. The English first lieu
tenant, also, was mortally wounded. The Drake's fore
and main-topsail-yards were both down on the cap —
main-top-gallant yard and gaff were hanging up and
down, the jib was in the water, and, otherwise, the ship
had sustained much injury aloft.

The Ranger suffered far less. She had two men
killed and jsix wounded. Mr. Wallingford, the lieute
nant who landed at Whitehaven, was one of the former,
and a seaman among the wounded subsequently died.
The gunner was hurt, and Mr. Powers, a midshipman,
lost an arm. Jones remarks, in one of his letters, that
he gave the dead a "spacious grave."

JOHN PAUL JONES. 43

The weather continued good, and the repairs pro
ceeded actively. At first Jones intended to steer the
direct course for France, but the wind coming foul, he
changed his purpose, and passed up channel again.
The evening of the 25th, or that of the day after the
engagement, the two ships were off the bay of Belfast,
once more, and here Jones dismissed the fishermen he
had taken. He gave them a boat, money, and other
necessaries, and lent them a sail of the Drake's, as a
hint to those ashore concerning the fate of that vessel.

On the 8th of May, the Ranger, with the Drake in
company, arrived safely at Brest. Some bad weather
had been encountered on the passage, but no event
worthy of being mentioned occurred, unless it be that
Jones felt himself bound to arrest his first lieutenant,
Simpson, for disobedience of orders, in managing the
prize. This affair gave him a good deal of trouble
subsequently, though nothing of serious moment grew
out of it. The Ranger appears to have been well
manned but badly officered, as would be likely to hap
pen with a vessel fitted in an eastern American port, at
that early day.

A great sensation was produced by this cruise of the
Ranger. It lasted but twenty-eight days ; only one
week passed between the arrival off the Isle of Man
and the action with the Drake. Every hour of this
time was passed in ceaseless activity. One enterprise
was no sooner ended than another was begun. The
reader has only to cast an eye at the map, to under
stand the boldness with which the ship moved. Her
audacity probably caused her impunity, for there was
scarcely a more critical position, as to mere localities, in

44 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

the narrow seas, than that into which Jones carried her.
It is true, he knew every foot of the way, but he must
have known the dangers of his path, as well as its dis
advantages. The attempt on Whitehaven betokened
a military mind, though it would scarcely be justified
under any other principles of hostility than those so
much in vogue with the English themselves. It was
merited retaliation, and only failed through the incom
petence of subordinates. Throughout the whole of this
cruise, indeed, Jones displayed the highest species of
courage ; that of justly appreciating his own resources,
and of not exaggerating dangers, a union of spirit and
judgment that ever produces the best commanders.

Jones has been censured for having selected the
region of his birth as the scene of his exploits. While
it has been admitted that he had a perfect moral and
political right to espouse the cause of his adopted coun
try, it has been urged that he ought to have refrained
from selecting, as the scene of his exploits, the very
port out of which he had formerly sailed. We appre
hend that this is the reasoning of a sickly and super
ficial sentimentality, rather than of healthful sentiment.
Had he captured and destroyed fifty sail belonging to
Whitehaven, at sea, nothing would have been thought
of the occurrence ; but to destroy the same, or any other
number, in their port is ranked as an error, and by some
it is classed with crimes ! Others have even fancied that
a desire to revenge himself for imaginary wrongs led him
to the coast of Scotland, and to Whitehaven, and that,
under the pretence of serving public interests, he was,
in truth, avenging private griefs. A calm consideration
of the facts will show the injustice of these charges.

JOHN PAUL JONES. 45

Jones was ordered to France. He was ordered to
cruise against England, on the English coast. In this
latter particular, he followed the precedents of Wickes
and Conyngham. In selecting the scene of his exploits,
he went into a sea with which he was familiar, an im
mense advantage of itself, and one, in a military point
of view, he would have been censurable for neglecting,
under the circumstances. If it were justifiable to re
taliate for the enemy's burnings, it was proper to do so
under the greatest advantages, and at the least risk to
those employed on the service, and this could be done
but by the greatest intimacy 'with the localities. To
say that an officer is not to turn his knowledge to ac
count in this way, because it was acquired under the
sanction of ordinary intercourse and a state of peace, is
like saying that Jones should not use the knowledge of
navigation acquired in an English school to the injury
of an English vessel. If he had a right to bear arms
at all, in such a contest, he had a perfect right to use all
the means practiced in civilized warfare, in effecting
his objects.

That private feelings were kept out of view, in this
short but brilliant cruise, is seen from the fact that no
injury was done, or attempted on shore, when the
means offered. It would have been as easy to set fire
to the house, on St. Mary's Isle, as to carry off the
plate. The shipping alone was fired at Whitehaven,
and generally the conduct of Jones showed a spirit of
generous hostility, rather than one of vindictive resent
ment. In a civil war, men must thus use the local
information acquired in youth, or neglect their duties.
No class of warriors do this more than sailors, who con-

46 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

stantly avail themselves of knowledge obtained in the
confidence of friendly intercourse to harass their ene
mies. It is proper to add that the letter of Jones to Lady
Selkirk, apologizing for taking the plate, was dated the
day the Ranger anchored at Brest.

The cruise of the Ranger brought Jones much repu
tation. Still he had many causes of complaint, being
greatly in want of funds. His difficulties were, in truth,
the difficulties of the country and the times, rather than
of any intention to harass him. He was fortunate
enough to make many important friends, and was much
caressed in the naval circles of Brest. His recent suc
cess gave a species of authority to his bold opinions, and
it was not long ere various schemes were entertained
for employing him on other expeditions against the
enemy. The Due de Chartres, afterward the celebrated
Egalite, interested himself to obtain the Indien, still,
for Jones, the ship being then at the disposal of the
King of France. All Jones' projects had a far-sighted
reach, as was shown in his wish to burn the shipping
at Whitehaven, which he says would have greatly
distressed Ireland for coal. Some of his schemes were
directed to convoys, others to the destruction of shipping,
and some again to descents on the coast. Even Franklin
entertained the hope of getting possession of the Indien
for him, after all ; a plan for which was actually ar
ranged with the French Minister of Marine. An ex
change of prisoners was agreed on, with a view to man
the vessel, one of the important results which attended
the late cruise. It is an evidence how much the public
appreciated that cruise, that the Prince of Nassau, an

JOHN PAUL JONES. 47

officer who subsequently caused Jones much trouble,
had an idea of sailing under his orders.

The breaking out of the Avar between England and
France defeated many of Jones' hopes, though it ren
dered the connection of the Americans with the latter
country much more simple than it had been. Holland
objected to giving up the Indien, and thus put an end
to all his expectations from that quarter. To increase
his vexations, the difficulty with his first lieutenant re
mained unsettled, notwithstanding his own efforts to
obtain a court-martial, it being the opinion of the com
missioners and others, that Jones had himself released
his subordinate from arrest in a way that precluded a
trial. This matter terminated by Simpson's sailing for
America, in command of the Ranger, leaving Jones in
France to push his projects of higher aim.

For some time, Jones expected to receive different
frigates from the French Minister, which were to serve
under the American flag, Many difficulties arose to
disappoint him, until all the various plans were con
cluded by the scheme actually adopted. As this enter
prise was connected with the great action of Jones' life,
it is necessary to explain it a little in detail.

M. Le Ray, a banker of Paris much connected with
America, and who, from owning the estate of Chau-
mont, was styled Le Ray de Chaumont, had taken an
active part in Jones' plans. Under his direction, an
arrangement, or concordat, to the following effect was
made. The French officers employed were to receive
American commissions for the cruise, and rank and
command were to be according to seniority. This pro
vision left Jones at the' head of the squadron, lie being

48 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

the oldest American captain connected with the expe
dition. Succession was provided for, with the excep
tion of the command of the Cerf, a cutter, the first lieu
tenant of which craft was to succeed his own captain,
in the event of his removal or loss. The distribution
of prize money was to be in the proportions regulated
by the laws of the two countries, respectively, and the
prizes were to be sent in to the order of M. Le Ray.

In addition to the express provisions of this concordat,
which was signed by all the commanders and M. Le
Ray, it was understood that the latter, as apparent agent
of the King of France, should furnish certain vessels,
which were to revert to their former owners after the
cruise, and that the American commissioners were to
order the Alliance, a new frigate which had recently
come to Europe, to join the squadron.

There is still something mysterious about the cha
racter of this celebrated expedition. There is no doubt
that Jones believed that he was to be fairly employed
as a naval captain of an allied power, in command
against the common enemy, in conformity with the
ordinary practice on such occasions ; but it is by no
means certain that this was his real position. It is true,
that the commissioners gave legality to the enterprise,
but there are certain reasons for thinking that private
cupidity may have had more connection with it than is
usual with public measures. Intrigue was so common
and so elaborate in France, that one is hardly safe in
forming any precise opinion under the circumstances,
though nothing is more apparent than the fact that
Jones' squadron was not composed of ships of war be
longing to France, united with ships of war belonging

JOHN PAVL JONES. 49

to America, in order to carry out the purposes of ordi
nary warfare. Still, most of the expense appears to
have been borne by the French government, and joint
orders were received from the public functionaries of
the two countries. Jones had a strong distaste for the
concordat, which probably gave the whole affair too
much of the character of a privateering compact, and
he subsequently declared that he would not have signed
it, had it not been presented at the last moment, by M.
Le Ray, himself, under circumstances that rendered a
refusal difficult.

Under the arrangement made, a squadron was finally,
though very imperfectly, equipped. It contained five
vessels, or three frigates, a brig, and a cutter. The
ships were the Duke of Duras, the Alliance, and the
Pallas ; the brig was called the Vengeance, and the
cutter the Cerf, or Stag. O£. all these crafts, but two
were regularly constructed for war, the Alliance 32* and
the Stag 12. The Alliance was an exceedingly fast
American-built ship of the class of large thirty-twos.
All the other vessels were French.

After all his delays arid disappointments, Jones could
get no better vessel for his own pennant than the Due
de Duras, an Indiaman, then fourteen years old. She
proved in the end to be both dull and rotten, though
she was purchased as fast and sound. She was a long,
single-decked ship, and was pierced for twenty-eight
guns on her main-deck. Her armament was intended
for eighteens. This would have placed her about on
a level, as to force, with the English thirty-eights of
that day, supposing that she carried ten or twelve light
guns on her quarter-deck and forecastle. The eighteens

VOL. II. 5

fi>

50

N£VAL BIOGRAPHY.

were yet to be cast, however, and failing to appear,
Jones put twelves in their places. To supply this ma
terial deficiency, he caused twelve ports to be cut in the
gun-room, or below, where he mounted six eighteens,
intending to fight them all on one side in smooth water.
Eight nines and sixes were placed above, making a total
armament of forty-two guns ; or of twenty-four in broad
side, supposing the six eighteens to be fought together.
Three hundred and eighty souls composed her crew.
The last was a motley set, including natives of nearly
every known maritime Christian nation, and having no
less than one hundred and thirty of them enlisted in the
character of soldiers.

The Alliance had an ordinary American crew, while
the other vessels appear to have been purely French.
To render the whole more incongruous, however, the
Alliance had a Frenchman for a captain ; a person of
the name of Landais, whom Congress had appointed in
compliment to its "new ally. M. Landais had been
educated in the navy of his native country, but had left
it in consequence of an irascible temper, that was con
stantly getting him into trouble, and which proved to
be of great disservice to this expedition in the end.
Some persons even called his sanity in question.

Jones- found a few native Americans of whom to make
sea officers and petty officers for the Due de Duras, but
he mentions in one of his statements that altogether
they did not exceed thirty. He changed the name of
his vessel, however, to the Goodman Richard, or le Bon
Homme Richard, in compliment to Franklin, 'as near
an approach to nationality as that circumstance would
well allow.

JOHN PAUL JONES. 51

This motley squadron sailed from Groix, June 19th,
1779, or more than a year after Jones' return from his
cruise in the Ranger. All that precious time had been
wasted in endeavoring to obtain a command. The first
object was to convoy some vessels southward, which
duty was successfully performed. An accident oc
curred, however, by means of which the Alliance ran
into the Richard, injuring both vessels so much as to
render it necessary to return to port. The vessels
separated, by orders, to do this, leaving the Richard
alone for a day or two. While thus situated, two Eng
lish cruisers were made, and Jones offered battle, but
it is supposed the enemy mistook him for a ship of the
line, as they carried a press of canvas to escape. The
occurrence is of no importance^ except to show that
the people of the Richard were ready to fight ; Jones
praising the alacrity they manifested.

The rottenness of the old Indiaman does not appear
to have been discovered until after she got back to the
roads of Groix, in order to be repaired. While the
work was in progress, a court-martial sat, and broke
the first lieutenant of the Richard. About this time, a
cartel arrived at Nantes, bringing in more than a hun
dred exchanged American seamen, from Mill prison.
A short time before this exchange was made, Mr.
Richard Dale, late a master's mate of the U. S. brig
Lexington, had made his escape from the same prison,
and had joined Jones in his old capacity. This gentle
man, a native of Virginia, and subsequently the well-
known naval captain of his name, was now made first
lieutenant of the Richard by Jones, who had blank
commissions by him. The men of the cartel were ap-

•

52 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

plied to, and many of them entered, thus giving the
Richard a respectable body of Americans to help to
sustain the honor of the flag she wore. Among the
exchanged prisoners were two gentlemen of the name
of Lunt, both natives of New Hampshire, and distant
relatives. Henry Lunt was made second lieutenant of
the Richard, while Cutting Lunt, his kinsman, is some
times called the third lieutenant, and sometimes the
master. Both these officers were respectable men, and
appear to have given Jones satisfaction, until adverse
circumstances deprived him of their services. In con
sequence of this arrangement, it is believed that every
quarter-deck sea-officer of the Richard was a native
American, Jones himself and one midshipman excepted.

It is a proof of the native goodness of Jones' heart,
that, while lying at 1'Orient, surrounded by perplexities,
he sent a bill for £%Q to his relatives in Scotland.
This was not his only remittance, by several ; and, as
money was far from being plenty with him in that day,
they show the strength of his affections, and his desire
to serve his sisters.

When all was ready to go out again, two privateers,
the Monsieur and the Grandeville, put themselves
under Jones' orders, raising his force to seven sail. As
the Monsieur was frigate-built, and carried forty guns,
her junction was thought a matter of no slight import
ance.

On the 10th August, Jones issued some general
orders to his captains, laying great stress on the point
of not parting company; the commonest of all embar
rassments with an irregular force at sea. The Richard
had not proved a fast ship ; the Pallas, a Hcfht 20 gun

* *

JOHN P A U L J O N E S. 53

ship, was decidedly dull, having also been built for a
merchantman ; the Vengeance was barely respectable,
while the Cerf was every way a noble cutter, though
of trifling force. The Alliance, one of the fastest ships
that ever floated, had been badly ballasted by Mons.
Landais, on some philosophical principles of his own,
and lost her qualities for that cruise. Such, then, was
the character of the force, with which Jones once more
ventured into the narrow seas, in quest of glory.

The orders under which Jones sailed on his next
and most remarkable cruise, directed him to go to the
westward of Scilly, and to pass the west coast of Ire
land, doubling the extremity of Scotland, and remaining
some time on the Dogger Bank. By returning to his
port of departure, this would have been making the
complete circuit of Great Britain and Ireland, most of
the time keeping the land aboard. The instructions,
however, ordered him to put into the Texel for further
orders. It was understood that this last destination was
pointed out in the hope of putting the Indien under
Jones, that ship still remaining in Holland, in a species
of political durance. She was not released, until Eng
land declared war against Holland, when the arrange
ment was made with South Carolina, as already men
tioned.

The squadron left the roads of Groix, the second
time, early on the morning of August loth, 1779.
One day out, it recaptured a large Dutch ship, laden
with French property. In consequence of some mis
understanding with the commander of the Monsieur,
which grew out of the disposition of this prize, that
ship separated from the other vessels, which saw her

_
54 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

no more. The Monsieur was subsequently captured by
the enemy, and, as is believed, on this cruise. On the
20th, a brig, from Limerick to London, was taken, and
ordered in.

The 23d, the squadron was off Cape Clear, having
doubled Scilly, and passed up the west coast of Eng
land, in the intervening time. Here it fell calm, and
Jones sent several of the Richard's boats to seize a brig
that was lying some distance to the north-west. As
evening approached, he found it necessary to place his
own barge in the water, containing a cockswain and six
rnen, to keep the ship's head offshore. The brig was
captured, and towed toward the squadron. Just at this
moment, the men in the barge cut the tow-line, and
pulled for the shore. Several shots were fired at the
fugitives, but without effect. Seeing this, Mr. Cutting
Lunt, who appears to have been with the prize, took
four soldiers in a boat, and pursued the deserters, be
coming lost in a fog. The Richard fired guns, as sig
nals to the master, but he never returned. Counting
himself, there were seventeen persons in his boat, mak
ing a total loss to the Richard, including the fugitives,
of twenty-four men. It is now known that, on the
morning of the 23d, (civil time,) the seven men landed
at Ballinskellix, in the county of Kerry, and that the
other boat landed at the same place, the same day,
about one, in pursuit. Mr. Lunt and his people were
arrested, and sent to Mill prison. Jones intimates that
he understood his master died in that place of confine
ment, but, in this, he was misinformed. Mr. Lunt was
liberated, in the course of a year or two, and was sub
sequently lost at sea. This was Cutting Lunt. it will

JOHN PAUL JONES. 55

be remembered ; his kinsman, Henry Lunt, still re
maining in» the ship, as her second lieutenant.
Through the reports of the deserters and prisoners,
the character of the squadron, which was plainly visi
ble as soon as the fog dispersed, became known on
shore, and its. presence created great uneasiness. The
linen ships were supposed to be Jones' object, and pre
cautions were taken accordingly. It is worthy of re
mark, that Jones states, the master saw the Cerf, inshore,
whither she had been sent to reconnoitre, and to look
for the missing boats, but the cutter showed English
colors, and fired at the boat, which induced Mr. Lunt
to land, as a last resort. To add to the misfortune, the
cutter herself got separated in the fog, and did not rejoin
the squadron.

It was at this time, that Jones had a serious quarrel
with his second in command, M. Landais. Insubordi
nation soon began seriously to show itself; the conduct
of the Cerf being very unaccountable. She went back
to France. It is probable that the loss of so many men
induced the French officers to distrust the fidelity of the
Richard's crew ; and it is known that this distrust in
fluenced the conduct of the Pallas, on a most trying oc
casion, a few weeks later. On -the 26th, the Grande-
ville was sent in, with a prize. This reduced the force
of the squadron to four vessels, viz., the Richard, Alli
ance, Pallas, and Vengeance.

It was the intention of Jones to remain a week longer
off Cape Clear, but Capt. Landais seemed so apprehen
sive of the approach of a superior force, that he yielded
to the opinion of his subordinate. On the 20th, it
blowed fresh ; the commodore accordingly made the

56 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

signal to stand to the northward, the Alliance parting
company the same night. On the 31st, the Richard,
Pallas, and Vengeance, were off Cape Wrath, the north
western extremity of the island of Great Britain, where
the former captured a heavy Letter-of-Marque, of twen
ty-two guns, laden with naval stores for the enemy's
vessels on the American lakes. While this ship was
chasing, the Alliance hove in sight, and joined in the
chase, having another Letter-of-Marque in company, a
prize. These two ships were manned from the Alli
ance, at Landais' request ; and the latter sent them into
Norway, contrary to orders, where hoth were restored
to the English by the Danish government. On the
night of the 8th, the Alliance again parted company,
in a gale of wind.

Jones kept well off the land, the weather being thick,
and the wind foul. On the 13th, however, the Cheviot
Hills, in the south-eastern part of Scotland, became
visible, and the commodore now seriously set about the
execution of some of his larger plans. His intention
was to land at Leith, the port of Edinburgh itself, and,
not only to lay the place under contribution, but to
seize the shipping he might find in the Forth. He
had hopes that even the Scottish capital might be
frightened into a temporary submission. This was a
highly characteristic project, and one worthy of the
military audacity of the man. Its great merit, in addi
tion to its boldness and importance, was its strong pro
bability of success. The late Com. Dale, who was to
act a most important part in the enterprise, and who
was a man of singular simplicity and moderation of
character and temperament, assured the writer that he

JOHN PAUL JONES. 57

never could see any reason why the attack should have
been defeated, beyond the obstacle that actually arose.
Jones himself intimates that his two colleagues, present,
(for so he bitterly styled his captains, in consequence
of the terms of the concordat,} threw cold water on his
views, until he pointed out to them the probable amount
of the contributions of two such places as Leith and
Edinburgh. A delay occurred, moreover, in conse
quence of the momentary absence of the Pallas and
Vengeance, which vessels had given chase to the
southward, a circumstance that compelled the Richard
to quit the Forth, after she had entered it alone, and
this at a moment when she might have secured a twen
ty-gun ship and two cutters, all of which were lying in
Leith roads, unsuspicious of danger ; though it would
have compelled him to abandon the other and principal
objects of the attempt. In order to join his consorts,
and consult his captains, therefore, Jones was compelled
to quit the Forth, after having once entered it. It ap
pears he had found a man ready to give him informa
tion, but the golden opportunity was lost, in consequence
of the doubts and misgivings of his subordinates.

Still Jones determined to make the attempt. On the
15th, the Richard, Pallas, and Vengeance, entered the
Forth in company, turning up with the tide, against a
head wind. By this time the alarm had been given on
shore, and guns were mounted at Leith, to receive the
strangers. A cutter had been watching the squadron
for several hours, also; but Jones deemed all this imma
terial. The ships had got up as high as Inchkeith, the
island which shelters the roads seaward, and the boats
were in the water and manned. Mr. Dale, who was to

58 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

superintend and command the maritime part of the de
barkation, had received his instructions, and was on the
point of descending into his boat, when a squall struck
the ships, and induced an order to take the people from
the boats, to clue up and clue down. Jones held on
against the wind as long as he found it possible, but,
the squall turning to a gale, he was compelled to bear
up before it, and was driven out of the Frith again, at a
much faster rate than he had entered it. The gale was
short, but so severe that one of the prizes in company
foundered. It moderated in the afternoon, but Jones
having plainly seen the cutter watching him, conceived
it too late to hope for a surprise, his only rational ground
for expecting success.

It is a proof how much doubt existed concerning the
true character of Jones' vessels, among the people on
shore, that a member of parliament sent off, to the Rich
ard, a messenger, to ask for powder and shot ; stating
that he had heard Paul Jones was on the coast, and that
he wished to be ready for him. A barrel of powder
was sent in answer, but the " honorable gentleman"
was told the vessel had no shot of the size he requested.
On this occasion, the ships were seen turning up the
Forth, as they stood in quite near to the north shore,
and, it being Sunday, thousands were out viewing the
scene, which caused a great clamor, and made a deep
impression.*

* The Edinburgh Review, in an article on Cooper's History of
the Navy, which has been pretty effectually answered, gives its
readers reason to suppose that Jones' appearance on the coast pro
duced no uneasiness. Sir Walter Scott told the writer he well re
membered the feeling excited by this event, and that it was wide
spread and general. As Scott was born in 1769, his recollection
might be relied on.

JOHN PAUL JONES. 59

Jones had now fresh projects to annoy the enemy ;
designs on Hull or Newcastle, as is thought. His
captains, however, refused to sustain him, and he was
reluctantly obliged to abandon his plans. His object
was glory; theirs appears to have been profit. It
ought to be mentioned, that all the young officers sus
tained the commodore, and professed a readiness to fol
low wherever he would lead. Jones had a respect for
the opinion of Capt. Cottineau, of the Pallas, and it is
believed he yielded more to his persuasions than to
those of all the rest of his commanders. This of
ficer seemed to think any delay of moment would
bring a superior force against them. The commodore
viewed the matter more coolly, well knowing that the
transmission of intelligence, and the.collection of three
or four vessels, was a matter that required some little
time.

Between the 17th and 21st, many colliers and coast
ers were captured. Most of them were sunk, though
one or two were released, and a sloop was ransomed by
the Pallas, contrary to orders. On the latter day, the
ships were off Flamborough Head, where the Pallas
chased to the north-east, leaving the Richard and Ven
geance in pursuit of vessels in a directly opposite quar
ter. Jones overtook and sunk a collier, late in the after
noon. Several craft then hove in sight, and one was
chased ashore. Soon after, a brig from Holland was
captured, and, at daylight, next morning, a considerable
fleet was seen inshore, which kept aloof, on account of
the appearance of the Bon Homme Richard. Finding
it impossible to decoy them out, Jones used some arti
fices to delude a pilot, and two boats came alongside.

60 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

The pilots were deceived, and gave Jones all the infor
mation they possessed.

As it was now impracticable to bring the shipping
out of the Hurnber, on account of the state of the wind
and tide, and the Pallas not being in sight, the commo
dore turned his attention to looking for his consorts.
He hauled off the land, therefore, making the best of his
way back to Flamborough Head, after passing several
hours in endeavoring to entice the ships out of the
Humber.

In the course of the night of the 22d, two ships were
seen, and chased for several hours, when, finding him
self near them, Jones hove-to, about three in the morn
ing, waiting for light. When the day returned, the
strangers were found to be the Pallas and the Alliance ;
the latter of which had not been seen since she parted
company off Cape Wrath.

After communicating with his consorts, Jones chased
a brig that was lying-to to windward. About meridian,
however, a large ship was observed coming round Flam-
borough Head, when Mr. Henry Lunt, the second lieu
tenant of the Richard, was thrown into one of the pilot
boats, with fifteen men, and ordered to seize the brig,
while the Richard made sail toward the strange ship.
Soon after, a fleet of forty-one sail was seen stretch
ing out from behind the Head, bearing N. N. E. from
the Richard. The wind was light at the southward,
and these vessels were a convov from the Baltic, turn
ing down the North Sea, towards the Straits of Dover,
bound to London. This placed Jones to windward and
a little in shore, if the projection of the headland be ex-
cepted.

JOHN PAUL JONES. 61

As soon as the commodore ascertained that he was in
the vicinity of this fleet, he made a signal of recall to
the pilot boat, and another of a general chase to his
squadron. The first was probably unseen or disre
garded, for it was not obeyed : and the officer and men
in the pilot boat remained out of their vessel during
most of the trying scenes of that eventful day. As
twenty-four officers and men had been captured, or had
deserted, off Cape Clear, these sixteen increased the
number of absentees to forty ; if to these we add some
who had been sent away in prizes, the crew of the
Richard, which consisted of but three hundred and
eighty, all told, the day she sailed, was now diminished
to little more than three hundred souls, of wrhom a large
proportion were the quasi marines, or soldiers, who had
entered for the cruise.

Jones now crossed royal yards and made sail for
the convoy. He had intelligence of this fleet, and
knew that it was under the charge of Capt. Pearson, of
the Serapis 44, who had the Countess of Scarborough
20, Capt. Piercy, in company. As the scene we are
about to relate is one memorable in naval annals, it may
be well to mention the force of the vessels engaged.

That of the Richard has been already given. The
Pallas mounted thirty guns, of light calibre, and was
perhaps more than a third heavier than the Scarborough,
the vessel she subsequently engaged. The Alliance
was a large thirty-two, mounting forty guns, mostly
t\velve pounders. She had a full, but indifferent crew
of about 300 souls, when she left the Roads of Groix,
of which near, if not quite, fifty were absent in prizes.

VOL. II. 6

62 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

Of the Vengeance, which had no part in the events of the
day,- it is unnecessary to speak.

On the»part of the enemy, many of the convoy were
armed, and, by acting in concert, they might have
given a good deal of occupation to the Pallas and Ven
geance, while the two men-of-war fought the Richard
and Alliance. As it was, however, all of these ships
sought safety in flight. The Serapis was a new ves
sel, that both sailed and worked well, of a class that
was then a good deal used in the North Sea, Baltic, and
the narrow waters generally ; and which was sometimes
brought into the line, in battles between the short ships
that were much preferred, in that day, in all the seas
mentioned. She was a 44, on two decks ; having an
armament below of 20 eighteens ; one of 20 nines, on
the upper gun-deck ; and one of 10 sixes, on her quar
ter-deck and forecastle. This is believed to have been
her real force, though Jones speaks of her, in one place,
as having been pierced for 56 instead of 50 guns. The
former was the usual force of what was called a fifty-
gun ship, or a vessel like the Leander, which assailed
the Chesapeake in 1807. Sands, the most original
writer of authority on the subject of Paul Jones, or of
any reasoning powers of much weight, infers from
some of his calculations and information that the Serapis
had 400 souls on board her at the commencement of the
action which is now to be related. The English accounts
state her crew to have been 320 ; a number that is
quite sufficient for her metal and spars, and which is
more in conformity with the practice of the English
marine. The Indiamen, stated by Sands to have been
obtained by Capt. Pearson, in Copenhagen, may have

JOHN PAUL JONES. 63

been 15 Lascars, who are known to have been on
board, and to have been included in the 320 souls. It
is not probable that the crews of the Richard and Se-
rapis differed a dozen in number. The Countess of
Scarborough was a hired ship in the British navy, dif
fering in no respect from a regular man-of-war, except
in the circumstance that she belonged to a private
owner instead of the king. This was not unusual in
that marine, the circumstance being rather in favor of
the qualities of the vessel, since the admiralty, on the
coast of England, would not be likely to hire any but a
good ship. Her officers and people belonged to the
navy, as a matter of course. There is a trifling dis
crepancy as to the force of the Scarborough, though the
point is of no great moment, under the circumstances.
Jones states that she was a ship mounting 24 guns on
one deck, while other accounts give her armament as
22 guns in all. She probably had a crew of from 120
to 150 men.

As soon as the leading English vessels saw that
strangers, and probably enemies, were to the southward,
and to windward, they gave the alarm, -by firing guns,
letting fly their top-gallant sheets, tacking together, and
making the best of their way in toward the land again.
At this moment the men-of-war were astern, with a
view to keep the convoy in its place ; and being near
the shore, the authorities of Scarborough had sent a
boat off to the Serapis, to apprise her commander of the
presence of Paul Jones' fleet. By these means, the two
senior officers were fully aware with whom they had to
contend. Capt. Pearson fired two guns, and showed
the proper signals, in order to call in his leading ships,

64 N A V A L B I O G R A P H Y.

but, as is very customary with merchant vessels, the
warning and orders were unattended to. until the danger
was seen to be pressing. While the merchantmen
were gathered in behind the Head, or ran off to leeward,
the Serapis signaled the Scarborough to follow, and
stood gallantly out to sea, on the starboard tack, hugging
the wind.

Jones now threw out a signal to his own vessels to
form the line of battle. The Alliance, which ought to
have dropped in astern of the Richard, paid no attention
to this order, though she approached the enemy to
reconnoitre. In passing the Pallas, Capt. Landais
remarked that if the larger of the enemy's ships proved
to be a fifty-gun ship, all they had to do was to endea
vor to escape ! This was not the best possible disposi
tion with which to commence the action. Soon after
the Pallas spoke the Richard, and asked for orders.
Jones directed her to lead toward the enemy, but the
order was not obeyed, as will be seen by what followed.

The wind being light, several hours passed before
the different evolutions mentioned could be carried into
execution. As soon as Capt. Pearson found himself
outside of all his convoy, and the latter out of danger,
he tacked in shore, with a view to cover the merchant
men. This change of course induced Jones to ware
and carry sail, with a view to cut him off from the land.
By this time it was evening, and this sudden change
of course, on the part of the Serapis, seems to have
given rise to a distrust, on the part of Capt. Cottineau,
of the Pallas, concerning the control she was under.
There were so many disaffected men in the Richard,
English and other Europeans, that the security of the

JOHN PAUL JONES. 65

ship appears to have been a matter of doubt among all
the other vessels. When those on board the Pallas,
therefore, perceived the Richard crowding sail inshore,
they believed Jones was killed by his own people, and
that the mutineers had run away with the ship, intend
ing to carry her into a British port. With this im
pression, Capt. Cottineau hauled his wind, tacked, and
laid the Pallas' head offshore. In consequence of this
manosuvre, and of the Vengeance's being far astern,
nothing like a line was formed on this occasion.

Jones' object was to cut his enemy off from the land.
Keeping this in view, he pressed down in the Richard,
regardless of his consorts, passing the Alliance lying-to,
out of gun-shot, on the weather quarter of the principal
English ship. It was now dark, but Jones watched his
enemy with a night-glass, and perceiving that he could
cut off the Serapis from getting under the guns of Scar
borough Castle, he continued to approach the English
man under a press of sail. Soon after the Pallas wore
round and followed. The Vengeance had directions to
order the pilot-boat back, and then to pick up the con
voy ; but as these last were inshore, and tolerably safe,
she seems to have done little, or nothing. In the action
that ensued, she took no part whatever.

It was half-past seven, or eight o'clock, when the
Richard and Serapis drew near to each other. The
former was to windward, both vessels being on the lar
board tack. The Serapis hailed, demanding " What
ship is that?" "I can't hear what you say," was
returned from the Richard. " What ship is that ?"
repeated the Englishman — " answer immediately, or I
shall be under the necessity of firing into you." The
6*

66 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

Richard now delivered her broadside, which was re
turned from the Serapis so promptly as to render the
two discharges nearly simultaneous. In an instant, the
two ships were enveloped in smoke and darkness.
The Richard backed her topsails, in order to deaden
her way and keep her station to windward. She then
filled, and passed ahead of the Serapis, crossing- her
bows, becalming the Serapis partially. The latter was
a short ship, and worked quick. She was, moreover, a
good sailer, and Capt. Pearson keeping his luff, as soon
as his canvas filled again, he came up on the weather
quarter of Jones, taking the wind out of his sails ; both
vessels fighting the other broadsides, or using the star
board guns of the Serapis and the larboard of the Rich
ard. It will be remembered that the Richard had six
eighteens mounted in her gun-room. As the water
was smooth, Jones relied greatly on the service of this
battery, which, in fact, was his principal dependence
with an adversary like the Serapis. Unfortunately
two of these old, defective pieces burst at the first dis
charge, blowing up the main-deck above them, beside
killing and wounding many men. The alarm was so
great as to destroy all confidence in these guns, which
made but eight discharges in all, when their crews
abandoned them. This, in addition to the actual
damage done, was a most serious disadvantage. It
reduced the Richard's armament at once to 32 guns, or,
as some authorities say, to 34 ; leaving her with the
metal of a 32 gun frigate, to contend with a full-manned
and full-armed 44. The combat, now, was in fact be
tween an eighteen-pounder and a twelve-pounder ship ;
an inequality of. metal, to say nothing of that in guns,

JOHN PAUL JONES. 67*

that seemed to render the chance of the Richard nearly
hopeless.

Half an hour \vas consumed in these preliminary
evolutions, the wind being light, and the vessels nearly
stationary a part of the time. When the Richard first
approached her adversary, it will be remembered she
was quite alone, the Vengeance having been left leagues
behind, the Alliance lying-to, out of gun-shot, to wind
ward, and the Pallas not bearing up until her com
mander had ascertained there was no mutiny on board
the commodore, by seeing him commence the action.
All this time the Countess of Scarborough was coming
up, and she now closed so near as to be able to assist
her consort. The Americans affirm that this ship did
fire at least one raking broadside at the Richard, doing
her some injury. On the other hand, Capt. Piercy,
her commander, states that he was afraid to engage, as
the smoke and obscurity rendered it impossible for him
to tell friend from enemy. It is possible that both ac
counts are true, Capt. Piercy meaning merely to excuse
his subsequent course after having fired once or twice
at the Richard. At all events, the connection of this
vessel with the battle between the two principal ships
must have been very trifling, as she soon edged away
to a distance, and, after exchanging a distant broadside
or two with the Alliance, she was brought to close ac
tion by the Pallas, which ship compelled her to strike,
after a creditable resistance of an hour's duration. This
vessel fully occupied the Pallas, first in engaging her,
then in securing the prisoners, until after the conflict
terminated.

When the Serapis came up on the weather quarter

68 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

of the Richard, as has been mentioned, she kept her
luff, passing slowly by, until she found herself so far
ahead and to windward, as to induce Capt. Pearson to
think he could fall broad off, cross the Richard's fore
foot,- and rake her. This manreuvre was attempted,
but finding there was not room to effect her purpose, the
Serapis came to the wind again, as fast as she could,
in order to prevent going foul. This uncertain move
ment brought the two ships in a line, the Serapis lead
ing. It so far deadened the way of the English ship,
that the Richard ran into her, on her weather quarter.
In this situation neither vessel could fire, nor could
either crew board, the collision being necessarily gentle,
and nothing touching but the jib-boom of the American.
In this state the two vessels remained a minute or two.
While in this singular position, the firing having
entirely ceased, and it being quite dark, a voice from
the Serapis demanded of the Richard, if she had struck.
Jones answered promptly, "I have not yet begun to
fight." As the ships had now been engaged nearly,
or quite, an hour, this was not very encouraging, cer
tainly, to the Englishman's hope of victory, though he
immediately set about endeavoring to secure it. The
yards of the Serapis ;were trimmed on the larboard tack,
and her saj/s were full as the Richard touched her ; the
latter ship bracing all aback, the two vessels soon part
ed. ~ȣs soon as Jones thought he had room, he filled
on the other tack, and drew ahead again. The Serapis,
however, most probably with a view of passing close
athwart, either the Richard's fore foot or stern, luffed
into the wind, laid all aback forward, and keeping her
helm down while she shivered her after sails, she

JOHN PAUL JONES. 69

attempted to break round off on her heel. At this mo
ment, Jones seeing his enemy coming down, thought
he might lay him athwart hawse, and drew ahead with
that object. In the smoke and obscurity, the moon not
having yet risen, each party miscalculated his distance,
and just before the Serapis had begun to come up on
the other tack, her jib-boom passed in over the Richard's
poop, getting foul of the mizzen rigging. Jones was
perfectly satisfied, by this time, that he had no chance
in a cannonade, and gladly seized the opportunity of
grappling. He had sent the acting master for a haw
ser as soon as he perceived what was likely to occur,
but it not arriving in time, with his own hands he lashed
the enemy's bowsprit to the Richard's mizzen-mast, by
means of the Serapis' rigging that had been shot away,
and which was hanging loose beneath the spar. Other
fastenings soon made all secure.*'

*Capt. Mackenzie, in his life of Paul Jones, has the following,
in a note, p. 183, vol. 1, viz.: "As considerable difference will
be observable between the account of this battle, given in Mr.
Cooper's ' Naval History,' and the above, (meaning his own ac
count of the action,) it is proper to state that Mr. Cooper has followed
Mr. Dale's description of the manoeuvres antecedent to the ship's
being grappled ; whilst in the present account more reliance has
been placed on those of the two commanders who directed the evo
lutions. Mr. Dale was stationed on the Richard's main-deck, in
a comparatively unfavorable position for observing the mano3uvres.
The evolution of box-hauling his ship, ascribed by Mr. Cooper to
Capt. Pearson, would, under the circumstances, have been highly
unseamanlike."

In answer to this, the writer has to say, that he nowhere finds
any reason for thinking that either of the commanders contradicts
his account ; and as the late Com. Dale, in a long personal inter
view, minutely described all the manoeuvres of the two vessels, as
he has here given them, he feels bound to believe him. The argu-

70 , NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

The wind being light, the movements of the two
vessels were slow in proportion. It was owing to this
circumstance, and to the fact that the Serapis was just
beginning to gather way as she came foul, that the col-

ment that Mr. Dale could not see what he described, is fallacious,
since an officer in command of a gun-deck, finding no enemy on
either beam, would naturally look for him, and by putting his head
out of a forward port, Mr. Dale might have got a better view of
the Serapis than any above him. But Com. Dale states a thing
distinctly and affirmatively, and with such a witness, the writer
feels bound much more to respect his direct assertions, than any
of the very extraordinary theories in history, of which Capt. Mac
kenzie has been the propagator. The manreuvres were probably
•discussed, too, between the younger officers, after the surrender
of the Serapis. The writer dissents, also, to Capt. Mackenzie's
views of seamanship. Bringing ships round before the wind, in the
manner described, was far more practised in 1779 than it is to-day.
It was more practised with the short ships of the narrow seas than
with any other. The river vessels, in particular, frequently did it
twenty or thirty times in a single trip up the Thames, or into the
Nore. The writer has seen it done himself a hundred times in
those waters. Many reasons may have induced Capt. Pearson to
practice what, with a Baltic and London ship, must have been a
common manoeuvre, especially with a master on board who was
doubtless a channel pilot. He might have wished at first to pre
serve the weather-gage ; he might not have desired to take the
room necessary to ware with his helm hard-a-weather, or might
have attempted to tack, and failing on account of the lightness of
the wind, or the want of sufficient headway, brought his ship round
as described. For the writer, it is sufficient that a seaman and a
moralist like Richard Dale has deliberately told him in detail, that
this manoeuvre was practiced, to upset the vague conjectures of a
historian of the calibre of Capt. Mackenzie. A published statement
from Com. Dale is given by another writer, in which that truth-
loving and truth-telling old officer is made to say, " The Serapis
wore short round on Tier heel, and her jib-boom ran into the mizzen
rigging of the Bon Homme Richard." This is giving in brief what
he gave to the writer in detail.

JOHN PAUL JONES. 71

lision itself did little damage. As soon as Capt. Pear
son perceived he was foul, he dropped an anchor under
foot, in the hope that the Richard would drift clear of
him. The fastenings having been already made, this
result was not obtained ; and the ships tending' to the
tide, which was now in the same direction with the
wind, the latter brought the stern of the Serapis close in,
alongside of the 'bows of the Richard. In this position
the ships became so interlocked, by means of their
spars, spare anchors, and other protruding objects, for the
moment, as to become inseparable.

As the stern of the Serapis swung round, her lower
deck ports were lowered, in order to prevent being
boarded. The ships' sides touching, or at least being
so close as to prevent the ports from being opened
again, the guns were fired inboard, blowing away the
lids. This was renewing the action, under circum
stances which, in ordinary cases, would have soon
brought it to a termination. Wherever a gun bore, it
necessarily cleared all before it, and, in reloading, the
rammers were frequently passed into a hostile port, in
order to be entered into the muzzles of their proper
guns. It is evident that such a conflict could be main
tained only under very extraordinary circumstances.

The eighteens of the Serapis soon destroyed every
thing within their range, nor was it long before, the
main-deck guns of the Richard were, in a great measure,
silenced. A considerable number of the men who had
been at the eighteens of the Richard's gun-room, had
remained below after their pieces were abandoned, but
the heavy fire of the Serapis' lower guns soon started
them up, and joining some of those who had been driven

72 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

away from the twelves, they got upon the forecastle.
As the Richard was a longer ship than the Serapis,
this point was comparatively safe, and thence a fire of
musketry was kept up on the enemy's tops and decks.
These men, also, threw grenades. The tops, too, were
not idle, but kept up a smart fire of muskets, and the
men began to resort to grenades also.

In this stage of the action, the Serapis had the can
nonading nearly to herself. All her guns, with the
exception of those on the quarter-deck and forecastle,
appear to have been worked, while, on the part of the
Richard, the fire was reduced to two nines on the quar
ter-deck, two or three of the twelves, and the musketry.
The consequences were, that the Richard was nearly
torn to pieces below, while the upper part of the Sera-
pis was deserted, with the exception of a few officers.
Capt. Pearson himself appears to have sent his people
from the quarter-deck guns. An advantage of this sort,
once gained, was easily maintained, rendering it vir
tually impossible for the losing party to recover the
ground it had lost.

The moon rose about the time the ships came foul.
Until this occurred, the Alliance had not been near the
principal combatants. She now passed some distance
to leeward, and crossed the bows of the Richard and
the stern of the Serapis, firing at such a distance as
rendered it impossible for her to make sure of her ene
my, even if she knew which was which. As soon as
her guns ceased to bear, she up helm, and ran a consi
derable distance farther to leeward, hovering about until
the Scarborough submitted. Capt. Landais now spoke
the Pallas, when Capt. Cottineau begged him to go to

JOHN PAUL JONES. 73

the assistance of the Richard, offering, at the same time,
to go himself if the Alliance would take charge of his
prize. All these facts appear under oath in the course
of the controversy which grew out of the events of this
memorable night.

Ashamed to remain idle at such a moment, and in
the face of such remonstrances, Capt. Landais hauled
up, under very easy canvas, however, for the two com
batants, and making a couple of stretches under his top
sails, he passed the bows of the Serapis and stern of
the Richard, opening with grape, the last shot to be
used under such circumstances ; then keeping away a
little, he certainly fired into the Richard's larboard quar
ter, or that most distant from the enemy. Some of the
witnesses even affirm that this fire was maintained until
the Alliance had actually passed the Richard's beam,
on her way to leeward.

These movements of the Alliance induced Sands
aptly to term that frigate the comet of this bloody sys
tem. It is difficult tcr account for her evolutions, with
out supposing treachery, or insanity, on the part of her
commander. For the latter supposition there are some
grounds, his subsequent deportment inducing the go
vernment to put him out of employment, as a man at
least partially deranged. Still it is difficult to suppose
the officers would allow their men to fire into the Rich
ard's quarter, as mentioned, unless they mistook the
ship. On the other hand, it is affirmed by the wit
nesses that three lanterns were shown on the offside
of the Richard, the regular signal of reconnoisance ;
that fifty voices called out, begging their friends to cease
firing, and this, too, when so near that the remonstrances

VOL. II. 7

74 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

must have been heard. By direction of Jones, an
officer hailed, too, and ordered Landais to lay the enemy
aboard. A question was then put to ascertain whether
the order was understood, and an answer was given in
the affirmative.

The effect of this transit of the Alliance was very
disastrous to the Richard. Her fire dismounted a gun
or two on board the latter ship, extinguished several
lanterns, did a good deal of mischief aloft, and induced
many of the people to desert their quarters, under the
impression that the English on board the Alliance had
got possession of the ship, and were aiding the enemy.
It is, indeed, an important feature in the peculiarities
of this remarkable cruise, and one that greatly enhances
the merit of the man who used such discordant mate
rials, that the two principal vessels distrusted each
other's ability to look down revolt, and were distrusted
by all the rest, on account of the same supposed inse
curity. It may be added as one of the difficulties in
explaining Capt. jLandais' conduct, that the moon had
now been up some time, and that it was very easy to
distinguish the ships by their offsides ; that of the Se-
rapis having two yellow streaks, dotted as usual with
ports, while the Richard was all black.

Not satisfied with what he had done, Capt. Landais
shortly after made his re-appearance, approaching the
Richard on her off side, running athwart her bows this
time, and crossing the stern of her antagonist. On this
occasion, it is affirmed, her fire commenced when there
was no possibility of reaching the Serapis, unless it
were through the Richard ; and her fire, of grape espe
cially, was particularly destructive to the men collected

JOHN PAUL JONES. 75

on the Richard's forecastle. At this spot alone, ten or
twelve men appear to have been killed or wounded, at
a moment when the fire of the Serapis could not possi
bly injure them. Among those slain, was a midship
man of the name of Caswell, who affirmed with his
dying breath that he had been hit by the shot of the
Alliance. After this last exploit, Capt. Landais seemed
satisfied with his own efforts, and appeared no more.

While these erratic movements were in course of
execution by the Alliance and her eccentric, if not in
sane, commander, the two ships engaged lay canopied
by smoke, a scene of fierce contention, and of accumu
lated dangers. The alarm of fire was succeeded by
reports that the Richard was sinking. To these sources
of apprehension, soon followed that of the dread of a
rising within. The accession of water in the hold in
duced the master-at-arms to release the English pri
soners on board, who were more than a hundred in
number. As if this were not enough, the ships began
to take fire from the explosions of the guns and grenades,
and the combatants were frequently called from their
quarters, in order to extinguish the flames. Capt.
Pearson states, that the Serapis was on fire no less than
twelve times, while the ships lay grappled ; and, as to
the Richard, in addition to several accidents of this
nature that were promptly suppressed, for the last hour
she was burning the whole time, the flames having got
within her ceilings.

Jones was not a little astonished to see more than a
hundred English mariners rushing up from below, at a
moment when a heavy ship of their country was lashed
alongside, and deliberately pouring her fire into his

76 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

own vessel. Such a circumstance might have proved
fatal, with a man less resolute and self-possessed.
Lieut. Dale had been below, in person, to ascertain the
state of the hold, and it was found that several heavy
shot had struck beneath the water line, and that the
danger from that source was in truth serious. Profiting
by the alarm that prevailed among the prisoners, the
commodore set the Englishmen at work at the pumps,
where they toiled with commendable zeal near an hour!
Had they been so disposed, or cool, most of them might
have escaped on board the Serapis.

The precise situations of the two vessels, and of the
Richard in particular, are worthy of a passing remark.
As for the Serapis, her injuries were far from great.
She had suffered from the fire of her opponent at the
commencement of the fight, it is true, but the bursting
of the Richard's eighteens, and her own superior
working and better sailing had given her such essential
advantages as, added to her heavier fire, must have long
before decided the affair in her favor, but for the cir
cumstance of the two vessels getting foul of each other.
The quiet determination of Jones not to give up, might
have protracted the engagement longer than usual, but
it could hardly have averted the result. The vessels
were no sooner square alongside, however, than the
English ship's heavy guns swept away every thing in
their front. This superiority in the way of artillery
could not be overcome, and continued to the close of the
engagement. Under any thing like ordinary circum
stances, this ascendancy must have given the victory
to the English, but Jones was a man calculated by na
ture, and his habits of thinking, to take refuge against

.

JOHN PAUL JONES. 77

a defeat in extraordinary circumstances. He had suc
ceeded in driving the enemy from above board, and
was, in this stage of the action, diligently working two
nine-pounders, in the hope of cutting away the Serapis'
main-mast. Had he succeeded in this effort, no doubt
he would have cut the lashings, and, obtaining a more
favorable position on the bow or quarter of his enemy,
settled the matter with his main-deck battery. Still, it
required many shot, of the weight of his, to bring down
so large a spar, with most of its rigging standing, and
in smooth water. No one knows what would have-
been the result, but for the coolness and judgment of a
seaman, who belonged to the main-top. As the Eng
lish had been cleared out of their tops by the greater
fire of the Richard's musketry, this man lay out on the
main-yard, until he found himself at the sheet-block.
Here he placed a bucket of grenades, and began deli
berately to throw them upon the Serapis' decks,
wherever he saw two or three men collected. Finding
no one on the quarter-deck, or forecastle, to annoy, he
tossed his grenades into the hatches, where they pro
duced considerable confusion and injury. At length,
he succeeded in getting one or two down upon the
lower gun-deck, where one of them set fire to some
loose powder. It appears that the powder boys had
laid a row of cartridges on the off side of this deck, in
readiness for use, no shot entering from the Richard to
molest. To this act of gross negligence, Capt. Pearson
probably owed the loss of his ship. The lower gun-
deck of the Serapis had been perfectly safe from all
annoyance, from the moment the ships got foul, no gun
of the Richard's bearing on it, while the deck above

78 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

protected it effectually from musketry. To this secu
rity, it is probable, the dire catastrophe which succeeded
was owing. The powder that ignited set fire to all
these uncovered cartridges, and the explosion extended
from the main-mast aft. It silenced every gun in that
part of the ship, and indeed nearly stripped them of
their crews. More than twenty men were killed out
right, leaving on many of them nothing but the waist
bands of their duck trowsers, and the collars and wrist
bands of their shirts. Quite sixty of the Serapis' peo
ple must have been placed hors de combat, in a mo
ment, by this fell assault. The reader may imagine
its effects on a lower gun-deck, choked with smoke,
with the ship on fire, amid the shrieks and groans of
the living sufferers.

It is now known that the English would have struck,
soon after this accident occurred, had not the master of
the London Letter of Marque, captured off Cape Wrath,
passed out of a port of the Richard into one of the Se
rapis' and announced that the American ship was in a
still worse situation, having actually released her pri
soners, as she was on the point of sinking. About
this time, too, another incident occurred, that aided in
sustaining the hopes of Capt. Pearson. Two or three
of the warrant officers of the Richard, when they found
the ship in danger of sinking, had looked in vain for
Jones, and Mr. Dale being below at that moment, ex
amining into the state of the pumps, they determined
that it was their duty to strike the colors, in order to
save the lives of the survivors. Luckily, the ensign had
been shot away, and the gunner, who had run up on
the poop to lower it, called out for quarter. Hearing

JOHN PAUL JONES. 79

this, Capt. Pearson demanded if the Richard had struck.
Jones answered for himself in the negative, but in such
a way that he was not either heard or understood, and
the English actually mustered a party of boarders to
take possession of their prize. As this was giving
Jones' men a better chance with their muskets, the
English were soon driven below again, with loss.
Some of the latter, however, appeared on the sides of
the Richard.

These reverses turned the tide of battle in favor of
the Americans. ,The latter got a gun or two more at
work, and, while the fire of their adversaries was sen
sibly diminishing, their own began to increase. The
spirit of the Englishman drooped, and he finally hauled
down his colors with his own hands, after the ships had
been lashed together nearly, if not quite, two hours and
a half. The main-yard of the Serapis was hanging
a-cock-bill, the brace being shot away, and the brace
pendant within reach. Lieut. Dale seized the latter
and swung himself over upon the quarter-deck of the
Serapis. Here he found Capt. Pearson quite alone,
and received his submission. At this instant, the first
lieutenant of the English ship came up from below, and
inquired if the Richard had struck, her fire having now
entirely ceased. Mr. Dale explained to this officer how
the case stood, when, finding his own commander con
firmed it, the lieutenant offered to go below, and to stop
the guns that were still at work in the Serapis. Mr.
Dale objected, however, and these two officers were
immediately passed over to the quarter-deck of the
Richard. A party of officers and men had followed
Mr. Dale from his own ship, and one of them, a Mr.

80

NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

Mayrant, of South Carolina, one of the Richard's mid
shipmen, was actually run through the thigh by a
boarding spike; the blow coming from a party of
boarders stationed on the main-deck. This was the
last blood spilt on the occasion, the firing being stopped
immediately afterward.

> Thus ended the renowned conflict between the
Serapis and the Bon Homme Richard; one of the most
remarkable of naval annals, in some of its features,
though far from being as comparatively bloody, or as
well fought in others, as many that may be cited. Com.
Dale, who was familiar with the facts, always placed
the combat between the Trumbull and Watt, before that
between these two ships, in the way of a cannonade ;
nor was there much difference in the comparative loss
of the English vessels, the Watt having about half her
crew killed and wounded, which was not far from the
casualties of the Serapis. Still, this battle must ever
stand alone, in a few of its leading incidents. There is
no other instance on record of two vessels, carrying
such batteries, remaining foul of each other for so long
a period. It could have happened in this case, only,
through the circumstances that the Richard had the
combat nearly all to herself above board, while the
Serapis was tearing her to pieces below decks. The
respective combatants were, in truth, out of the range
of each other's fire, in a great degree ; else would the
struggle have been brought to a termination in a very
few minutes. The party that was first silenced must
have soon submitted; and, as that was virtually the
American ship, the victory would have belonged to the
English, in any other circumstances than those which

JOHN PAUL JONES. 81

actually occurred. As for the cannonading that Jones
kept up for more than an hour on the main-mast of the
Serapis, it could have had no material influence on the
result, since the mast stood until the ship had struck,
coming down just as the two vessels separated.

An examination into the injuries sustained by the
respective combatants, proves the truth of the foregoing
theory. As for the Richard, she had suffered a good
deal during the first hour, or before the vessels closed,
receiving several heavy shot between wind and water.
Some shot, too, it would seem to be certain, were
received in the same awkward places, from the fire of
the Alliance, after the ships had grappled. But, the
most extraordinary part of her injuries were those
which were found from the main-mast aft, below the
quarter-deck. Perhaps no vessel ever suffered in a
degree approaching that in -which the Richard suffered
in this part of her. Her side was almost destroyed by
the guns of the Serapis, and nothing prevented the
quarter-deck, main-deck and poop from literally falling
down upon the lower-deck, but a few top-timbers and
upper futtocks that had fortunately escaped. This left
Jones and his companions fighting on a sort of stage,
upheld by stanchions that were liable at any moment to
be carried away. Nothing, indeed, saved these sup
ports, or the men on the deck above them, but the fact
that they were all so near the enemy's guns, that the
latter could not be trained, or elevated sufficiently high
to hit them. It was the opinion of Com. Dale that the
shot of the Serapis, for the last hour of the action, must
have passed in at one side of the Richard, in this part
of the ship, and out at the other, without touching any

82 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

thing, the previous fire having so effectually cleared
the road !

The loss of men, in each ship, was fearfully great,
and singularly equal. A muster-roll of the Richard
has been preserved, which shows that, out of 227 souls
on board when the ship sailed, exclusively of the sol
diers, or marines, 83 were killed, or wounded. As
many of these 227 persons were not in the action, while
a few do not appear on this roll, who were on board, by
placing the whole number of this portion of the crew
at 200, we shall not be far out of the way. About 120
of the soldiers were in the combat, and this proportion
would make such an additional loss, as to raise the
whole number to 132. These soldiers, however, suf
fered in the commencement of the action more than the
rest of the people, more especially a party of them that
had been stationed on the poop ; and, the reports of the
day making the loss of the Richard 150 altogether, we
are inclined to believe it was not far from the truth.
This was very near one half of all the men she had
engaged.

On the part of the English, Capt. Pearson reported
117 casualties, admitting, however, that there were
many more. Jones thought his own loss less than that
of the Serapis, and there is reason to think it may have
been so, in a trifling degree. It is probable that some
thing like one half of all the combatants suffered in this
bloody affair, which is a very unusual number for any
battle, whether by sea or land. Many of those who
suffered by the two explosions — that of the Richard's
eighteens, and that of the Serapis' cartridges — died of
their injuries.

JOHN PAUL JONES. 83

To return to the state of the two vessels, and the
events of the night : Jones no sooner found himself in
possession of his prize, than he ordered the lashings
cut in order to separate the vessels. This was done
without much difficulty, the wind and tide, in a few
minutes, carrying the Richard clear of her late antago
nist. The Serapis was hailed, and ordered to follow
the commodore. In order to do this, her head-yards
were braced sharp aback, to cause the vessel to pay
off, her main-mast having come down, nearly by the
board, bringing with it the mizzen top-mast. The
wreck was cleared, but the ship still refused to answer
her helm. Excited by this singular state of things, Mr.
Dale sprang from a seat he had taken, and fell his length
upon deck. He had been wounded in the foot, and
now ascertained for the first time that he was unable to
walk. Luckily, Mr. Lunt, with the pilot boat, had
come alongside, as soon as the firing ceased, and was
ready to take his place. The fact being communicated
to this officer that the Serapis was anchored, the cable
was cut, and Jones' orders obeyed. It is proper to add
that the party in the pilot boat were of great service, as
soon as they got on board again.

The vessels of the squadron now collected together,
and fresh men were obtained from her consorts, to
attend to the critical wants of the Richard. That ship,
it will be remembered, was not only on fire, but sinking.
Gangs of hands were obtained from the other vessels, to
work the pumps, as well as to assist in extinguishing
the flames, and the night passed in strenuous efforts to
effect their purposes. So critical was the condition of
the vessel, however, that many men threw themselves

84 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

into the water, and swam to the nearest ship, under an
apprehension that the Richard might at any moment be
blown up. In the course of this eventful night, too,
eight or ten Englishmen, who had formed a part of
Jones' own crew, stole a boat from the Serapis, and de
serted, landing at Scarborough. Despair of ever being
able to escape into a neutral or friendly port, was doubt
less their motive ; and, in the circumstances, the reader
can see the vast disadvantages under which Jones had
achieved his success. A careful attention to all the
difficulties, as well as dangers, that surrounded him, is
necessary to a just appreciation of the character of our
subject, whose exploits would have been deemed illus
trious, if accomplished with means as perfect as those
usually at the disposal of commanders in well established
and regular marines. It is not to be forgotten, more
over, that Jones was personally so obnoxious to the
anger of the English, as to render it certain that his
treatment would be of the severest nature, in the event
of his capture, if, indeed, he were allowed to escape
with life. It was surely enough to meet an equal force
of English seamen, on the high seas, favored by all the
aids of perfect equipments and good vessels ; but, here,
a desperate battle had been fought in sight of the Eng
lish coast, against an enemy of means to render success
doubtful, and with a reasonable probability that even
victory might be the means of destroying the conqueror.
Many a man will face death manfully, when he pre
sents himself in the form of a declared enemy, in open
fight, who will manifest a want of the highest moral
qualities which distinguish true courage, when driven
to a just appreciation of the risks of an unseen source

JOHN PAUL JONES. 85

of alarm. It is this cool discrimination between real
and imaginary difficulties and dangers, which distin
guishes the truly great commander from him who is
suited only to the emergencies of every-day service ;
and when, as in the case of Jones, this ability to discri
minate, and to resist unnecessary alarms, is blended
with the high military quality of knowing when to at
tempt more than the calculations of a severe prudence
will justify, we find the characteristics of the great land
or sea captain.

Daylight afforded an opportunity of making a full
survey of the miserable plight in which the Richard
had been left by the battle. A survey was held, and
it was soon decided that any attempt to carry the ship
in was hopeless. It may be questioned if she could
have been kept from sinking in smooth water, so many
and serious were the shot-holes ; though, after getting
the powder on deck by way of security, and contending
against them until ten ne$tt morning, the flames were
got under. The fire had been working insidiously
within the ceiling, or this advantage, immaterial as it
proved in the end, could not have been gained. It was
determined, after a consultation, to remove the wounded,
and to abandon the ship. Jones came to this decision
with the greatest reluctance, for he had a strong and
natural desire to carry into port all the evidence of the
struggle in which he had been engaged ; but his own
judgment confirmed the opinions of his officers, and he
reluctantly gave the order to commence the necessary
duty.

The morning of the 24th, or that of the day which
succeeded the battle, was foggy, and no view of the sea

VOL. II. 8

86

NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

was had until near noon. Then it cleared away, and
the eye could command a long range of the English
coast, as well as of the waters of the offing. Not a sail
of any sort was visible, with the exception of those of
the squadron and its prizes. So completely had the
audace of Jones, to use an expressive French term that
has no precise English translation, daunted the enemy,
that his whole coast appeared to be temporarily under a
blockade.

The two pilot boats were very serviceable in receiv
ing the wounded. After toiling at the pumps all the
24th and the succeeding night, the Richard was left in
the forenoon of the 25th, the water being then as high
as the lower deck. About ten, she settled slowly into
the water, the poop and mizen-mast being the last that
was ever seen of the old Due de Duras, a ship whose
reputation will probably live in naval annals as Jong as
books are written and men continue to read.

Jones now erected jury-masts in the Serapis, and
endeavored to get into the Texel, his port of destination.
So helpless was the principal prize, however, that she
was blown about until the 6th October, before this object
could be effected. With a presentiment of what would
have been best, Jones himself strongly desired to go
into Dunkirk, for which port the wind was fair, where
he would have been under French protection ; but the
concordat emboldened his captains to remonstrate, and
they proceeded to Holland.

The arrival of the soi-disant American squadron in
a neutral country, accompanied by two British men-of-
war, as prizes, gave rise to a great political commotion.
The people of the Dutch nation were opposed to the

JOHNPAULJONES. 87

English, and in favor of America, but the government,
or its executive at least, and the aristocracy, as a mat
ter of course, felt differently. We shall not weary the
reader with the details of all that occurred. It will be
sufficient to say, that it was found necessary to hoist
French flags in most of the ships, and to put the prizes
even under the protection of the Grand Monarque.
Jones, for a time, got rid of Landais, who was sent for
to Paris, and he transferred himself and his favorite of
ficers to the Alliance. This vessel, the only real Ame
rican ship in the squadron, continued to keep the stars
and stripes flying. At one time matters proceeded so
far, however, that ships of the line menaced the frigate
with forcing her out to sea, where thirty or forty Eng
lish cruisers were in waiting for her, if she did not
lower the as yet unacknowledged ensign. All this
Jones withstood, and he actually braved the authorities
of Holland, under these critical circumstances, rather
than discredit the flag of the country he legitimately
served. A French commission was offered to himself,
but he declined receiving it, always affirming that he
was the senior American sea-captain in Europe, and he
claimed all the honors and rights of his rank. His
prizes and prisoners were taken from him, in virtue of
the concordat, and through orders from Dr. Franklin,
but the Alliance was an American ship, and American
she should continue as long as she remained under his
orders !

At length, after two months of wrangling and morti
fication, Jones prepared to sail. He had been joined
by the celebrated Capt. Couyngham, who went passen
ger in his ship for France. He left the Texel on the

00 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

27th December, and a letter written by himself, just as
he discharged the pilot, stated that he was fairly out
side, with a fair wind, and his best American ensign
flying. The last was a triumph indeed, and one of
which he was justly proud.

The run of the Alliance from the Texel, through the
British Channel, while so closely watched, has been
much vaunted in certain publications, and Jones him
self seemed proud of it. It is probable that its merits
were the judgment and boldness with which the passage
was planned and executed. Com. Dale, a man totally
without exaggeration, spoke of it as a bold experiment,
that succeeded perfectly because it was unexpected.
The enemy, no doubt, looked for the ship to the north
ward, never dreaming that she would run the gantlet at
the Straits of Dover.

Jones hugged the shoals as he came out, and kept
well to windward of all the blockading English vessels.
In gassing Dover he had to go in sight of the shipping
in the Downs. As the wind held to the eastward, this
he did at little risk. He was equally successful at the
Isle of Wight, a fleet lying at Spithead ; and several
times he eluded heavy cruisers, by going well to the
eastward of them. The Alliance went into Corunna,
to avoid a gale. Thence she sailed for France, arriving
in the roads of Groix on the 10th of February. This
was the only cruise Jones ever made in the Alliance.
Capt. Landais had injured the sailing of the ship, by
the manner in which he stowed the ballast, and this it
was that induced her present commander to go in so
early, else might he have made a cruise as brilliant as
any that had preceded it. It is matter of great regret

JOHN PAUL JONES. 89

that Jones never could get to sea in a vessel worthy of
his qualities as a commander. The Ranger was dull
and crank ; the Alfred was no better ; the Providence
was of no force, and the reader has just seen what
might be expected from the Richard. The Alliance was
an excellent ship of her class, though not very heavy ;
but, just as accident threw her in Jones' way, he was
compelled to carry her into port, where she was taken
from him.

The history of Jones' life, after he joined the navy,
with the exception of the short intervals he was at sea,
is a continued narrative of solicitations for commands,
or service, and of as continual disappointments. During
the whole war, and he sailed in the first squadron, Jones
was actually at sea a little short of a year. The re
mainder of his seven years of service was employed
in struggling for employment, or in preparing the im
perfect equipments with which he sailed. Could such
a man have passed even half his time on board efficient
and fast cruisers, on the high seas, we may form some
estimate of what he would have effected, by the exploits
•he actually achieved. By the capture of the Serapis,
and the character of his last cruise generally, Jones ac
quired a great reputation, though it did little for him,
in the way of obtaining commands suitable to his rank
and services.

Our hero had obtained some little circulation in Pa
risian society, by his capture of the Drake, though
there is surprisingly little sympathy with any nautical
exploits in general, in the brilliant capital of France.
But the exploits of the Bon Homme Richard over
came this apathy toward the things of the sea, and
8*

90 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

Jones became a lion, at once, in the great centre of Eu
ropean civilization. It would be idle to deny that this
flattery and these attentions had an influence on his
character. New habits and tastes were created, habits
and tastes totally in opposition to those he had formed
in youth ; and these are changes that rarely come late
in life altogether free from exaggeration. The corre
spondence of Jones, which was very active, and in the
end became quite voluminous, proves, while his mind,
manners and opinions were in several respects improved
by this change of situation, that they suffered in others.
He appears to have had an early predilection for poet
ry, and he seems to have now indulged it with some
freedom in making indifferent rhymes on various ladies.
Some of his biographers have placed his effusions on a
level with those of the ordinary vers de societe, then so
much in vogue ; but they seem to forget that these
were very indifferent rhymes also. In that gay and
profligate society to which he was admitted, it was
scarcely possible that a bachelor of Jones' temperament
should altogether escape the darts of love. His name
has been connected with that of a certain Delia, also

with that of a certain Madame T , and also with

that of a lady of the name of Lavendahl. This Ma
dame T is said to have been a natural daughter of

Louis XV., a circumstance that may, or may not, infer
rank in society. The attachment to the last, however,
has been thought a mere platonic friendship. Some
pains have been taken to show that these were ladies
of high rank, but a mere title is not now, nor was it in
1779, any proof of a high social condition in France,
unless the rank were as high as that of a duchesse.

JOHN PAUL JONES. 91

That Jones was a lion in Paris, is a fact -beyond ques
tion, but much exaggeration has accompanied the
accounts of his reception. His return occurred in the
midst of an exciting war, and it is scarcely possible that
his exploits should be overlooked by the government,
or the bean monde, but they were far from occupying
either, in the manner that has been mentioned by cer
tain of his panegyrists.

After a visit to Paris, he returned to the coast, where
new difficulties arose with Landais. By a decision of
one of the commissioners, that officer was restored to the
command of the Alliance, and the quarrel was renewed.
But the brevity of this sketch will not permit us to give
an account of all the discussions in which Jones was
engaged, either with his superiors or with his subordi
nates. It is difficult to believe that there was not some
fault in the temperament of the man, although it must
be admitted that he served under great disadvantages,
and never had justice done to his talents or his deeds
in the commands he received. The end of this new
source of contempt was Landais putting Jones' own of
ficers, Dale and others, ashore, and sailing for America,
where he was laid on the shelf himself, and his ship
was given to Barry.

The immediate nautical service on hand was to get
several hundred tons of military stores to America.
With this duty Jones had been intrusted, and he now
begged hard that his prize, the Serapis, might be bor
rowed for that purpose. He doubtless wished to show
the ship in this country, as his plan was to arm her en
flute, merely, and to give her convoy by a twenty-gun
ship, called the Ariel, which the French government

92 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

had consented to lend the Americans. On reaching
America, he hoped to get up a new expedition, with
the Serapis for his own pennant.

This arrangement could not he made, however, and
Jones was compelled to receive smaller favors. As a
little consolation, and one to which he was far from be
ing indifferent, the King of France sent him, about this
time, (June, 1780,) the cross of military merit, which
he was to carry to the French minister in America, who
had instructions to confer it on him on some suitable occa
sion. At the same time, he was informed that Louis
XVI. had directed a handsome sword to be made, with
suitable inscriptions, which should be forwarded to him
as soon as possible. This was grateful intelligence to a
man so sensitive on the subject of the opinions of others,
and doubtless was received as some atonement for his
many disappointments.

By the beginning of September, Jones was ready to
sail for America, in the Ariel. He had got together as
many of his old Richard's as possible for a crew, and
had crammed the vessel in every practicable place with
stores. He lay a month in the roads of Groix, however,
with a foul wind. On the 8th October, he went to sea,
but met a gale that very night, in which his ship was
nearly lost. He was obliged to anchor at no great dis
tance to windward of the Penmarks, where the Ariel
rolled her lower yard-arms into the water. She could
not be kept head to sea with the anchors down, but fell
off with a constant drift. Cutting away the fore-mast
relieved her, but now she pitched the heel of the main
mast out of the step, and it became necessary to cut
away that spar, to save the ship. This brought down

JOHN PAUL JONES. 93

the mizen-mast, as a matter of course, when the vessel
became easier. For two days and near three nights
did the Ariel continue in her crazy berth, anchored in
the open ocean, with one of the most dangerous ledges
of rocks known, a short distance under her lee, when she
was relieved by a shift of wind. Jury-masts were
erected, and the vessel got back to the roads from which
she had sailed.

In speaking of this gale, in a letter to one of his fe
male friends, Jones quaintly remarks, " I know not why
Neptune was in such anger, unless he thought it an
affront in me to appear on his ocean with so insignifi
cant a force." It is in this same letter that he makes
the manly and high-toned remark, apropos of some im
puted dislike of a certain English lady, " The English
nation may hate me, but 1 will force them to esteem me
too."

In the gale Jones was supported by his officers.
Dale and Henry Lunt were with him, as indeed were
most of the officers of the Richard who survived the
action, and the risks of this gale were thought to equal
those of their bloody encounter with the Serapis. Dale
spoke of this time as one of the most, if not the most,
serious he had met with in the course of his service,
and extolled the coolness and seamanship of Jones as
being of the highest order. The latter, indeed, was a
quick, ready seaman, never hesitating with doubts or
ignorance.

It is worthy of being mentioned, that while lying at
Groix, repairing damages, a difficulty occurred between
Jones and Truxtun, about the right of the latter to wear
a pennant in his ship ; he being then in command of a

94 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

private armed vessel. It appears Truxtun hoisted a
broad pennant, and this at a time when he had no right
to wear a narrow one, Congress having passed a law
denying this privilege to private vessels. These fiery
spirits were just suited to meet in such a conflict, and
it is only surprising Jones did not send a force to lower
Truxtun's emblem for him. His desire to prevent
scandalous scenes in a French port alone prevented it.
Jones did not get out again until the 18th December,
when he made the best of his way to America. The
Ariel appears to have made the southern passage. In
lat. 26, N. and long. 59, she made an English frigate-
built ship, that had greatly the superiority over her in
sailing. Jones, according to his own account of the
matter, rather wished to avoid this vessel, his own ship
being deep and much burdened, his crew a good deal
disaffected, and the stranger seeming the heaviest.
After passing a night in a vain attempt to elude him,
he was found so near the next day as to render an ac
tion inevitable, should the stranger, now believed to be
an enemy, see fit to seek it. Under the circumstances,
therefore, Jones thought it prudent to clear ship. The
stranger chased, the Ariel keeping him astern, in a way
to prevent him from closing until after nightfall. As
the day declined, the Ariel occasionally fired a light
gun at the ship astern, crowding sail, as if anxious to
escape. By this time, however, Jones was satisfied he
should have to contend with a vessel not much, if any,
heavier than his own, and he shortened sail, to allow
the stranger to close. Both ships set English colors,
and as they drew near, the Ariel hauled up, compelling
the stranger to pass under her lee, both vessels at quar-

JOHN PAUL, JONES. 95

ters, with the batteries lighted up. In this situation,
each evidently afraid of the other, a conversation com
menced that lasted an hour. Jones asked for news
from America, which the stranger freely communicated.
He said his ship was American built, and had been
lately captured from the Americans and put into the
English service. Her name was stated to be the Tri
umph, and that of her commander Pindar. Jones now
ordered this Mr. Pindar to lower a boat and come on
board. A refusal brought on an action, which lasted a
few minutes, when the stranger struck. The fire of the
Ariel was very animated, that of the soi-disant Triumph
very feeble. The latter called out for quarter, saying
half his people were killed. The Ariel ceased firing,
and as she had passed to leeward before she commenced
firing, the stranger drew ahead and tacked, passing to
windward in spite of the chasing fire of her enemy.

Jones was greatly indignant at this escape. He al
ways considered, or affected to consider, the Triumph a
king's ship of equal force, though she was probably no
thing more than a light armed and weakly manned Let-
ter-of-Marque. By some it has even been imagined the
Triumph was an American, who supposed he was ac
tually engaged with an English vessel of war. Differ
ent writers have spoken of this rencontre as a hand
some victory ; but Com. Dale, a man whose nature
seemed invulnerable to the attempts of any exaggerated
feeling, believed the Ariel's foe was an English Let-
ter-of-Marque, and attributed her escape to the clever
ness of her manoeuvres. That her commander violated
the laws of war, and those of morality, is beyond a
question.

96 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

Shortly after this affair, Jones discovered a plot among
the English of his crew to seize the ship, and twenty
of the most dangerous of the mutineers were confined.
It was not found necessary, however, to execute any
of them at sea, and the ship reached Philadelphia,
on February 18th, 1781, making Jones' absence from
the country a little exceeding three years and three
months.

Notwithstanding certain unpleasant embarrassments
awaited Jones, on his return to America, after the bril
liant scenes in which he had been an actor, he had no
reason to complain of his reception. Landais had actu
ally been dismissed as insane, and this, too, principally
on the testimony of Mr. Lee, the commissioner who had
reinstated him in the command of the Alliance ; a cir
cumstance that, of itself, settled several of the unplea
sant points that had been in dispute. But the delay in
shipping the stores had produced much inconvenience
to the army, and Congress appointed a committee form
ally to inquire into the cause. The result was favor
able to Jones, arid the committee reported resolutions,
that were adopted, expressive of the sense Congress
entertained of Jones' service, and of the gratification it
afforded that body to know the King of France intended
to confer on him the order of military merit. In conse
quence of this resolution, the French minister gave a
.fete, and, in presence of all the principal persons of the
place, conferred on Jones the cross of the order. In
the course of the examinations that were made by Con
gress, forty-seven interrogatories were put to Jones, and
it is worthy of remark, that his answers were of a
nature to do credit to both his principles and his head.

JOHN PAUL JONES. 97

This affair disposed of, nothing but the grateful respect
which followed success, awaited our hero, who justly
filled a high place in the public estimation. The
thanks of Congress were solemnly voted to him, as his
due.

A question now seriously arose in Congress, on the
subject of making Jones a rear-admiral. He had
earnestly remonstrated about the rank given him when
the regulated list of captains was made out, and there
was an eclat about his renown, that gave a weight to
his representations. Remonstrances from the older
captains, however, prevented any resolution from pass
ing on this question, and Jones was finally rewarded by
a unanimous election, by ballot, in Congress, appoint
ing him to the command of the America 74, a ship then
on the stocks. As this was much the most considerable
trust of the sort within the gift of the government, it
speaks in clear language the estimation in which he
was held.

The America was far from being ready to launch,
however. Still Jones was greatly gratified with the
compliment. He even inferred that it placed him
highest in rank in the navy, the law regulating com
parative rank with the army, saying that a captain of
a ship of more than forty guns should rank with a
colonel, while those of forty guns ranked only with
lieutenants-colonel ; and the America being the only
ship that carried or rated more than forty guns, he
jumped to the conclusion that he out-ranked the eight
or ten captains above him, whose commissions had
higher numbers than his own. It j^ probable this rea
soning would have given way before inquiry. A cap-

VOL. II. 9

98 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

tain in command of a squadron, now, ranks temporarily
with a brigadier-general. The youngest captain on the
list may hold this trust, yet, when he lowers his pen
nant, or even when he meets his senior in service,
though in command of a single ship, the date or num
ber of the commission determines the relative rank of
the parties.

It is worthy of remark that Jones, before he quitted
Philadelphia, exhibited his personal accounts, by which
it appeared that he had not yet received one dollar of
pay, and this for nearly five years' service ; proof of
itself that he was not without private funds, and did not
enter the navy a mere adventurer. On the contrary,
he is said to have advanced considerable sums to govern
ment, and in the end to have been a loser by his ad
vances. But who was not, that had money to lose, and
who sustained the cause that triumphed in that arduous
struggle ?

It would be useless here to follow Jones, step by step,
in connection with his new command. He joined the
ship in the strong hope of having her at sea in a few
months ; but this far exceeded the means of the country.
As he travelled toward Portsmouth, in New Hampshire,
where the America was on the stocks, he wore his cross
of the order of Military Merit, which did well enough
at head quarters, when he paid a visit to Washington.
There, however, it was hinted to him he had better lay
it aside on entering the New England states, a portion
of the country in which personal distinctions were, and
are peculiarly offensive to the people. One cannot ob
ject to this particular instance of the feeling, for the
citizen of a nation that rejects such rewards in its own

JOHN PAUL JCNES. 99

political system, ought to have too much self-respect to
accept them from a foreign state ; but an affectation of
humility, rather than its reality, forms a part of the so
cial faith of this section of the republic. Thus it is that
we see the manly practice of self-nomination frowned
on, while nowhere else are lower arts practiced to obtain
nominations by others than among these fastidious ob
servers of a proud political modesty. Exaggerations,
whether in religion, morals, manners, speech, or appear
ance, always result in this ; the simplicity of truth being
as far removed from the acting they induce, as virtue is
remote from vice. Nothing in nature can be violated
with impunity, her laws never failing to vindicate their
ascendancy in some shape or other.

Jones reached Portsmouth, at the close of August,
1781. The duty of superintending a vessel on the
stocks, in the height of a war, was particularly irksome
to a man of his temperament, and Portsmouth was a
place very different from Paris. He was more than a
year thus engaged, during most of which time he did
not quit his post. In the course of the summer of 1782,
however, the French lost a ship called the Magnifique,
in the harbor of Boston, and Congress determined to
present the America to the King of France, as a substi
tute. This deprived Jones of his command, just as he
was about to realize something from all his labors.
Fortune had ordered that he was never to get a good
ship under the American flag, and that all his exploits
were to derive their lustre more from his own military
qualities than from the means employed.

November 5th, 1781, the America was launched;
the same day Jones transferred her to the French of-

100 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

ficer who was directed to receive her. At the time he
did this, he believed he was to be employed on a second
expedition. He expected, indeed, to get his old flame,
the Indien, which was called the South Carolina, and
was lying at Philadelphia. Her arrangement with
South Carolina was nearly up, and Congress had
claims, by means of which it was hoped she might yet
be transferred to her original owners. Matters went so
far that Com. Gillan, who commanded the ship, was
arrested ; but the vessel got to sea under Capt. Joyner,
and was captured by three English frigates, a few
hours out ; not without suspicions of collusion with the
enemy.

There were now no means of employing Jones afloat,
and he got permission to make a cruise in the French
fleet, for the purpose of acquiring some knowledge of a
fleet. He sailed in the Triomphante, the flag-ship of
M. de Vaudreuil. M. de Viomenil, with a large mili
tary suite, was on board, and sixty officers dined toge
ther every day. It is characteristic of Jones, that he
should mention that the French general was put into
the larboard state-room, while he himself occupied the
starboard! This might have been done on account of
his being a stranger, and strictly a guest ; or it might
have been done because M. de Viomenil knew nothing
of naval etiquette on such points, while Jones attached
great importance to it.

This cruise doubtless furnished many new ideas to a
man like Jones, but its military incidents were not
worthy of being recorded. Peace was made in April,
1783, and Jones left the fleet at Cape Francois, reach
ing Philadelphia, May 18th. His health was not good,

JOHN PAUL JONES. 101

and he passed the summer at Bethlehem, Pennsylvania,
for the benefit of a cold bath. He now had a project of
retiring to a farm, but, it is probable, the quiet, dull con
dition of the country, under the reaction of peace, did
not suit him, for he applied to Congress for a commis
sion as agent to look after the prizes made on his great
cruise, particularly those which had been given up to
the English by the Danes. Armed with such authority,
he sailed for France, November 10th, in the Washing
ton, late General Monk, the ship Barney had so gal
lantly taken in the Hyder Ally, and which he then
commanded. This vessel was the last relic of the navy
of the Revolution, being the only vessel then owned by
the government, or at least employed. Jones landed at
Dover, from which place he proceeded to London, and
thence to Paris, making the whole journey in five days ;
tolerable proof he did not relish the country. Had he
been known, it is by no means probable that he would
have escaped without insult, for no man had ever
alarmed the English coast so thoroughly in these later
times. Nevertheless, he is said to have appeared on
'Change, while in London, and to have been recognised.
He also went to one of the theatres, though a face
must be much known to make that a very hazardous
thing.

Jones was two yea^d engaged in settling his prize
questions in France. This was done after a great deal
of vexation, and his active mind then turned to a voyage
of commercial enterprise, that included the North-west
Coast, Japan, the Sandwich Islands, and the ends of the
earth, in its plans. The celebrated Ledyard was to be
his supercargo, and Jones commander-in-chief. Disco-

102 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

very, science, and honor, were to be united with profit,
and the whole was to have a character of high motives.
Like so many others of our hero's projects, this also
failed for want of means.

In 1787, Jones determined to go to Denmark, to push
his demands on that government in person. He had
actually got as far as Brussels, when he was unexpect
edly called to America, in consequence of some new
difficulty connected with his compensation. The new
constitution was not yet framed, and the affairs of the
confederation presented embarrassments at every turn
to all the public servants. This visit to America was
made in the spring, and Jones remained in this country
until autumn. October 18, 1787, Congress voted him
a gold medal, in honor of his services while at the head
of the squadron of the concordat. A letter to the King
of France, in his favor, was also written by that body ;
one of the highest honors it ever paid a citizen. It is
singular that Jones, on his return to Europe, manifested
an apprehension of being seized by some of the English
ships, though a general peace prevailed, and it is not
easy to see under what pretence such an outrage could
have been committed. It would have been just as legal
to arrest Washington, had he been found on the high
seas. There was certainly no love between the par
ties, and England, in that day, did many lawless things ;
but it may be questioned if she would have presumed
to go as far as this. Jones did not quit America, until
November llth, 1787, which was the last day he ever
had his foot on the western continent.

In January, 1788, Jones received some new creden
tials for Denmark, and shortly after he proceeded to

JOHN PAUL JONES. 103

Copenhagen. He is known to have been in that capi
tal early in March. Previously to quitting Paris, some
proposals had been made to Jones to enter into the ser
vice of Russia, which were now renewed, through Ba
ron Kreudener, Catherine's minister in Denmark. In
April, our hero, in consequence of the negotiations
which had commenced on this subject, determined to go
to St. Petersburg. As regards his application to the
Danish Court, it resulted in fair promises. The de
mand amounted to £50,000 sterling, and Jones was put
off with fine speeches and personal compliments, and
had a patent sent after him, entitling him to a pension
of 1500 Danish crowns, in consideration of "the respect
he had shown to the Danish flag, while he had com
manded in the North Seas." It seems to us impossible
to understand this as any other than a direct bribe, in
geniously covered up, to induce Jones not to press his
demands. The agent who is sent to recover claims, in
which others are interested, cannot accept compensation
for himself, unless it include the interests of all the par
ties concerned. Jones himself did not, at first, seem to
know in what light he was to view this pension, and for
several years he did not ask for the money. The ar
rears were inventoried in his will, though it appears
nothing was ever paid on them. Nothing was ever
received, either, for the prizes. If must be confessed,
Denmark paid her debts at a cheap rate.

Jones had been well received at all the courts where
he presented himself. Immediately on his arrival at
St. Petersburg, Catherine made him a rear-admiral.
His passage across the Gulf of Finland had been peril
ous and romantic, and threw an eclat around his ap-

104 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

proach, that was not unsuited to his established charac
ter. He reached St. Petersburg, April 23d, (old style,)
and he left it to join Prince Potemkin, in the Black Sea,
on the 7th May, with his new commission in his pocket.
His reception by Potemkin was flattering, but our ad
miral did not conceal from himself that his brother flag-
officers felt any thing but joy at seeing him. The
cabals against him commenced the first hour of his
arrival, nor do they appear to have ceased until the
day of his departure. The motley force assembled
under the Imperial flag, included officers of many dif
ferent nations, some of whom much affected superiority
over one whom the English, in particular, took every
occasion to malign.

The history of Jones' service under the Russian flag
is a revolting account of intrigues, bad management,
and disappointment. The operations were far from
trifling in their extent, and there were several engage
ments, in all of which the Turks suffered, but nothing
was effected of the brilliant and decisive character that
marked the proper exploits of Paul Jones. Such a
man ought not to have served under a chief like Po
temkin, for nothing is more certain than that, in any
glory, the favorite would seize the lion's share. Still
Jones distinguished himself on more than one occasion,
though our limits will not admit of entering into details.
In one or two actions he was much exposed, and mani
fested high personal resolution ; perhaps as much so as
on any other occasions of his life.

It has been seen that Jones ie/t St. Petersburg, May,
1788 ; in December he had returned, virtually in dis
grace. This event has often been ascribed to the

JOHN PAUL JONES. 105

enmity of the English officers in the Russian marine ;
never to any official act of Jones himself. It was, in
truth, owing to the personal displeasure of Potemkin,
one with whom a man of our rear-admiral's disposition
would not be likely long to agree. Catherine received
Jones favorably, as to appearances at least, and, for a
short time, he had hopes of being again employed.

But the enemies of Jones had determined to get rid
of him, and it is believed they resorted to an infamous
expedient to effect his ruin in the estimation of the
empress. A girl who entered his apartment, to sell
some light* articles, charged him with an attempt to
violate her person. Inquiry subsequently gave reason
to believe the whole thing a trick, and Jones always
protested his entire innocence ; but sufficient clamor
was made to render his further sojourn in Russia, for
the moment at least, unpleasant. Catherine was evi
dently satisfied that injustice had been done him, but
she did not care to offend Potemkin. Jones was per
mitted to travel, retaining his rank and appointments.
His furlough, which Jones himself, oddly enough, more
than once calls his "parole," extended to two years,
but was doubtless meant to be unlimited in its effect.
Catherine had previously conferred on him the ribbon
of St. Anne.

Jones left St. Petersburg, in July, 1789, after a resi
dence of about fifteen months in Russia. He traveled
south, by Warsaw, where he remained some time, after
which he visited Holland. About this time his consti
tution began sensibly to give way. It is probable that
the disappointments he had met with in the north preyed
upon his feelings, his enemies being as active as ever

106 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

in circulating stories to his disadvantage. His finances
were impaired, too, and he appears to think that his
pecuniary compensation from Russia had been light.
Now it was that he would gladly have received the
arrears of his pension from Denmark, a pension that
certainly he ought never to have seemed to accept. In
his justification, however, he says that both Jefferson
and Morris advised him to profit by the liberality of
the Danish Court ; but, in all cases, a man should decide
for himself in a matter touching his own honor. Others
frequently give advice, that they would reject in their
own acts.

In 1790, Jones was at Paris, well received by his
friends ; but no longer a lion, or a subject of public
attention. He manifested strong interest in his Scottish
relations this season, and speaks of the education of his
nephews and nieces. But it is to the credit of Jones,
that, throughout his whole career, and while most flat
tered with the attentions of the great, he never forgot to
be affectionate and kind to his sisters. It was a blank
year to him, however, his time being mostly occupied
in endeavoring so to settle his affairs as to procure
funds. In March, 1791, he addressed the empress,
stating that his "parole" had nearly expired, and
desiring to be ordered to return. All his letters and
communications show that his spirit was a good deal
broken, and the elasticity of his mind partially gone.
He still thought of and reasoned about ships, but it was
no longer with the fire and earnestness of his youth.
The events in progress at Paris may have had some
influence on him, though nowhere does he speak of

JOHN PAUL JONES. 107

them in his letters. His silence, in this respect, is even
remarkable.

The new American Constitution went into operation
in 1789 ; and Jones rightly enough predicted that this
event would produce a regular and permanent marine.
His hopes, however, outstripped the facts ; the results
which he hoped would affect himself, and that soon,
occurring several years later. He expected, and with
reason, so far as his claims were concerned, to be com
missioned an admiral in the new marine ; but he did
not live to see the marine itself established. One ray
of satisfaction, however, gleamed on his last days, the
government of Washington giving him reason to expect
a diplomatic appointment, to arrange certain difficulties
with some of the Barbary powers. The appointment
came shortly after Jones was laid in his grave ; proving
beyond a question that he possessed the confidence of
some of the wisest and best men of America, as long as
he lived.

Jones' health had been impaired for some years. The
form which his disease assumed — jaundice — renders it
probable that the state of his mind affected his health.
Dropsy supervened, and in July, 1792, he was thought
so ill, as to send for Mr. Morris, and other friends, in
order to make his will. For two days he was so much
swollen as not to be able to button his vest ; this it was
that induced him to make his will. It was signed
about eight o'clock, in the evening of the 18th, and he
was then left, seated in his chair, by the friends who
had witnessed it. Shortly after, he walked into his
bed-room, by himself. It was not long before his phy
sician came to see him. The bed-room was entered,

108 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

and Jones was found lying on his face, on the bed, with,
his feet on the floor, quite dead.

The death of Jones was honorably noticed in France.
The National Assembly sent a deputation of twelve of
its members to attend the funeral, and other honors
were shown his remains. He was interred in a cemetery
that no longer exists, but which then was used, near la
Barriere du Combat, for the interment of Protestants. It
is probable that no traces of his grave could now be found.

The estate left by Jones was respectable, though far
from large. Still he could not be said to have died in
poverty ; though so much of his estate was in claims,
that he often wanted money. Among other assets
mentioned in his will were $9000 of stock in the Bank
of North America, with sundry unclaimed' dividends.
On the supposition that two years of dividends were due,
this item alone must have amounted,- with the premium,
to something like £2000 sterling. He bequeathed all
he owned to his two sisters, and their children.*

There can be no question that Paul Jones was a great
man. By this we mean far more than an enterprising

* Those who take an interest in such details, may be pleased to
know that the heirs of Paul Jones realized about $40,000 from his
estate, though much of it was lost. Among other assets, was the
sword presented to him by Louis XVI. This sword is said to
have cost 500 louis d'or, near $2400. As there has been some
controversy respecting it, growing out of a hasty and ill-considered
statement of Capt. Mackenzie's, we will give the history of the
transaction, as it has been communicated to us by Miss Janette
Taylor, Jones' niece, in part, and in part ascertained from other
sources.

Jones made no bequest of the sword, which became the property
of his ten heirs. It was sent to Scotland, where it was a bone of
contention, and was the cause of an unpleasant legal proceeding

109

and dashing seaman. The success which attended
exploits effected by very insufficient means, forms the
least portion of his claims to the character. His mind
aimed at high objects, and kept an even pace with his
elevated views. We have only to fancy such a man at
the head of a force like that with which Nelson achieved
the victory of the Nile — twelve as perfect and well com
manded two-decked ships as probably ever sailed in
company — in order to get some idea of what he would
have done with them, having a peerage or Westminster
Abbey in the perspective. No sea captain, of whom
the world possesses any well authenticated account,
ever attempted projects as bold as those of Jones, or
which discovered more of the distinctive qualities of a
great mind, if the character of his enemy be kept in view,
as well as his own limited and imperfect means. The
battle between the Serapis and the Richard had some

between Mrs. Taylor and a brother-in-law. At last it was deter
mined to present the sword to Robert Morris, as a testimonial of
his services to its original owner. How it passed from Mr. Morris
to Com. Barry is a disputed point. Capt. Mackenzie has said it
was presented to the navy, to be worn by its senior officer ; but
this cannot have been true, without making Barry unfaithful to his
trust, and without any visible reason, as he undoubtedly bequeathed
it to Dale, in his will ; Dale, who never was the senior officer of
the navy, and who was not in the navy at all when the bequest
was made. Mr. Morris, in the letter acknowledging the gift, re
marks, that, being a civilian, he had given the sword, not to the
navy, but to a naval officer. Nothing is said of any conditions.
Barry bequeathed it to Dale, as the man of all others — Jones'
family excepted — who had the best right to it, and it is now the
property of his son, Capt. Montgomery Dale, of the navy. It is
not our intention to express any opinion on the subject of the per
son who has now the best moral right to use this sword, though we
think the legal right of Capt. Dale is indisputable.
VOL. u. 10

110 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

extraordinary peculiarities, beyond a question, and yet,
as a victory, it has been often surpassed. The pecu
liarities belong strictly to Jones ; but we think his offer
ing battle to the Drake, alone in his sloop, in the centre
of the Irish Channel, with enemies before, behind, and
on each side of him, an act of higher moral courage
than the attack on the Serapis. Landais' extraordinary
conduct could not have been foreseen, and it was only
when Jones found himself reduced to an emergency in
this last affair, that he came out in his character of indomi
table resolution. But all the cruises of the man indicated
forethought, intrepidity, and resources. Certainly, no
sea captain under the American flag, Preble excepted,
has ever yet equaled him, in these particulars.

That Jones had many defects of character is certain.
They arose in part from temperament, and in part from
education. His constant declarations of the delicacy of
his sentiments, and of the disinterestedness of his ser
vices, though true in the main, were in a taste that
higher associations in youth would probably have cor
rected. There was, however, a loftiness of feeling about
him, that disinclined him equally to meanness and vul
garity ; and as for the coarseness of language and deport
ment that too much characterized the habits of the sea,
in his time, he appears never to have yielded to them.
All this was well in itself, and did him credit ; but it
would have been better had he spoken less frequently of
his exemption from such failings, and not have alluded
to them so often in his remarks on others.

There was something in the personal character of
Jones that weakened his hold on his contemporaries,
though it does not appear to have ever produced a want

JOHN PAUL JONES. Ill

of confidence in his services or probity. Com. Dale
used to mention him with respect, and even with attach
ment ; often calling him Paul, with a degree of affection
that spoke well for both parties. Still, it is not to be
concealed that a species of indefinite distrust clouded
his reputation even in America, until the industry of
his biographers, by means of indisputable documents
and his own voluminous correspondence, succeeded in
placing him before the public in a light too unequivo
cally respectable to leave any reasonable doubts that
public sentiment had silently done him injustice. The
power of England, in the way of opinion, has always
been great in this country, and it is probable the dis
credit that nation threw on the reputation of Jones, pro
duced an influence, more visible in its results than in
its workings, on his standing even with those he had so
well served.

Notwithstanding the many proofs furnished by him
self, of a weakness on the subject of personal consider
ation, Jones gave some proofs of a high feeling of self-
respect. His cards bore the simple, but proud name of
"Paul Jones," without any titles or official rank. His
associations, too, were unquestionably high, at one
period of his life. Even Englishmen of rank and
reputation drew accurate distinctions between his real
character and career, and those which were so assidu
ously imputed to him by Grub Street writers. The
Duke of Dorset, the English ambassador at Paris,
freely received him, and he is said to have lived on
terms of intimacy with Lord Wemys, Admiral Digby,
and others of like condition.

In person, Jones was of the middle stature, with a

112 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

complexion that was colorless, and with a skin that
showed the exposure of the seas. He was well formed
and active. His contemporaries have described him as
quiet and unpresuming in his manners, and of rather
retiring deportment. The enthusiasm which ran in so
deep a current in his heart, was not of the obtrusive
sort ; nor was it apt to appear until circumstances arose
to call it into action ; then, it seemed to absorb all the
other properties of his being. Glory, he constantly
avowed, was his aim, and there is reason to think he
did not mistake his own motives in this particular. It
is perhaps to be regretted that his love of glory was so
closely connected with his personal vanity ; but even
this is better than the glory which is sought as an instru
ment of ruthless power.

If an author may be permitted to quote from himself,
we shall conclude this sketch by adding what we have
already said, by way of summary, of this remarkable
man, in a note to the first edition of the History of the
United States Navy, viz. : " In battle, Paul Jones was
brave ; in enterprise, hardy and original ; in victory,
mild and generous ; in motives, much disposed to disin
terestedness, though ambitious of renown and covetous
of distinction ; in his pecuniary relations, liberal ; in his
affections, natural and sincere ; and in his temper, except
in those cases which assailed his reputation, just and for
giving." That these good qualities were without alloy, it
would be presumptuous to assert ; but it appears certain
that his defects were relieved by high proofs of great
ness, and that his deeds were no more than the proper
results of the impulses, talents, and native instincts of
the man.

MELANCTHON TAYLOR WOOLSEY.

THE subject of this sketch was a native of New York,
in which state his family has long been resident. His
father was Melancthon L. Woolsey, an officer of the
Revolution, and subsequently known as General Wool
sey, and collector of Plattsburg. His mother was a
lady of the well-known family of Livingston, and a
daughter of a divine of some eminence. The Woolseys
were from Long Island, where they were very respect
ably connected ; while, by his mother, young Woolsey,
in addition to his Livingston descent, certainly one of
the most distinguished of America, was connected with
the Platts, Breeses, and other families of respectability,
in the interior of his native state. The present Capt.
Breese and the subject of this notice were cousins once-
removed.

Young Woolsey was born about the year 1782, his
parents having married near the termination of the war
of the Revolution. His early education was that usually
given to young gentlemen intended for the professions,
and the commencement of the year 1800 found him a
student in the office of the late Mr. Justice Platt, then
a lawyer of note, residing at Whitesborough, in Oneida
County, and the member of Congress for his district.
This was the period when the present navy may be
10* 113

114 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

said to have been formed, the armaments of 1798 and
1799 having substantially brought it into existence
Young Woolsey, being of an athletic frame and manly
habits, had early expressed a desire to enter the service,
a wish that was gratified through the influence of Mr.
Platt, as soon as that gentleman attended in his seat in
Congress, which then sat in Philadelphia. We ought
to have mentioned that Mr. Justice Platt was the hus
band of a sister of his pupil's mother, and consequently
was the latter's uncle by marriage.

As the warrant of Mr. Woolsey was dated in 1800,
he was about eighteen years of age when he first entered
the service. He was ordered to the Adams 28, Capt.
Valentine Morris, which vessel was bound to the West
India station. The Adams, which was familiarly
known to the service by the name of the "Little
Adams," to distinguish her from the John Adams, was
a vessel of great sailing qualities, and was one of the
favorite ships of the navy. She was so sharp, and yet
so slightly built, that it has been said it was not easy to
write in her cabin, on account of the tremor, when she
was going fast through the water. The Adams met
with some success on this cruise, capturing no less than
five French privateers, though neither was of a force
to make any resistance. These vessels were named
PHeureuse Rencontre, le Gambeau, la Renommee, the
Dove, and le Massena. This was active service, and
proved a good school for all the young men who served
in the ship. Young Woolsey was conspicuous for at
tention to his duty, and was a general favorite. When
the cruise was up, the ship returned to New York.

Woolsey learned a great deal of the elementary por-

MELANCTHON TAYLOR WOOLSEY. 115

tions of his profession during the few months he served
in the Adams. He was of an age to see the necessity
for exertion, as well as to comprehend the .reasons of
what he saw done, and few midshipmen made better
use of their time.

Young Woolsey was transferred to the Boston 28,
Capt. McNiell, as soon as the Adams was paid off.
This was the ship, commander, and cruise, that have
since given rise to so many rumors and anecdotes in
the service. Although the proper place to record the
more material incidents of this singular cruise, as well
as the striking personal peculiarities of Capt. McNiell
himself, will be in the biography of that officer, one or
two that were connected with the subject of this sketch
may be related here.

In dropping out of the East River into the Hudson,
the pilot got the Boston on a reef of rocks that lie near
the Battery. Woolsey, who had made himself a good
deal of a seaman while in the Adams, was rated as a
master's mate on board the Boston, and he was sent
ashore with a boat, with orders to go to the navy-agent,
in order to direct him to send off a lighter, with spare
anchors and cables. On landing, he met the navy-agent
on the battery, and communicated his orders. The
latter asked Mr. Woolsey to proceed with his boat a
short distance, in order to tow a lighter round to a point
where it could receive the ground-tackle needed. Sup
posing he should be conforming to the wishes of his
captain, and knowing that, in consequence of meeting
the navy-agent on the Battery, he might still return to
the ship sooner than he was expected, the young officer
complied. As soon as the duty was over, Woolsey

116 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

returned on board the Boston, repaired to the cabin, and
reported all that he had done. His captain heard him
with grave attention. When the midshipman had got
through with his story, and expected to be applauded
for his judicious decision, the reasons for which he had
paraded with some little effort, Capt. McNiell looked
intently at him, and uttered, in a slow, distinct manner,
the words, " D — d yahoo !" Woolsey remonstrated,
with some warmth, but the only atonement he received
was a repetition of " D — d yahoo !" uttered in a more
quick and snappish manner.

This little affair was very near driving our young
officer out of the ship ; but his good sense got the better
of his pride, and he came to the wise decision not to let
his public career be affected by his private feelings.
Ships were then difficult to be found ; the cruise pro
mised to be both instructing and agreeable, in other
respects ; and large allowances were always made for
Capt. McNielPs humor. We say the wise decision,
since an officer is usually wrong who suffers a misun
derstanding with a superior to drive him from his
vessel. So long as he is right and does his duty, he
can always maintain his position with dignity and self-
respect.

The Boston was the ship that carried Chancellor Li
vingston and suite to France, when the former went as
a minister to negotiate the treaty for the cession of
Louisiana. The passage was pleasant enough, until
the ship got near her port, when she was caught in a
fearful gale, that blew directly on shore, and came very
near being lost. Every one admitted that the frigate
was saved by the steadiness and seamanship of the old

MELANCTHON TAYLOR WOOLSEY. 117

officer who commanded her. He carried sail in a way
that astounded all on board, but succeeded in clawing
offthe land. We have heard Woolsey say that he car
ried on the ship so hard that the muzzles of the quarter
deck guns were frequently under water. In a word, the
struggle seemed to be between the power of the elements
and the resolution and perseverance of a single man,
and the last 'prevailed.

After landing the minister, the Boston, in pursuance
of her instructions, proceeded to the Mediterranean,
where she was to join the squadron under the orders
of Com. Dale. But it did not suit the caprices of Capt.
McNiell to come within the control of a superior, and
he managed in a way to avoid both of the officers who
commanded while the ship was out. He gave convoy,
and for a short time was off Tripoli, blockading, but the
Constellation appearing before that port, he immediately
left it, and did not return. Woolsey used to relate a
hundred laughable anecdotes concerning this cruise,
during which Capt. McNiell committed some acts that
hardly could be excused by the oddity of his character.
While the ship was on the African coast, the captain
sent for the pilot, a Frenchman, in order to ascertain the
position of a particular reef, or a shoal, about which he
had some misgivings. Woolsey entered the cabin on
duty just as this consultation was held. The French
man was pointing to the chart, and he said, a little at a
loss to indicate the precise spot, " La-la, Monsieur.''1
"La-la-la, b — r Id, where's the reef?" demanded
McNiell.

On another occasion, while the ship lay at Malaga,
Woolsey was sent on shore, at nine, for the captain,

118

NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

who had dined that day with the consul. Sweden was
at war with Tripoli, at that time, as well as ourselves,
and a Swedish squadron was then at Malaga, the admi
ral and captains also dining- with the consul on this
occasion. McNiell was seated between the admiral
and one of his captains, when Woolsey was shown into
the dining-room. The young man reported the boat.
"What do you say?" called out Capt. McNiell.
Woolsey repeated what he had said. McNiell now
leaned forward, and, his face within two feet of that of
the admiral, he called out, " These bloody Swedes keep
such a chattering, you must speak louder."

But these were trifles in the history of this extraordi
nary man, and we only relate them on account of their
connection with the subject of this sketch. After
remaining abroad near or quite a twelve-month, the
Boston returned home, where her commander was dis
charged from the service, and the ship was laid up in
ordinary, never to be re-commissioned. She was sub
sequently burned at the taking of Washington.

We do not happen to possess the proofs to say whe
ther Woolsey returned to America in the Boston, or
whether he joined one of the ships of Com. Morris'
squadron, at Gibraltar. We cannot find any evidence
that Capt. McNiell ever joined either commodore, and
it is not easy to see how one of his midshipmen could
have got into another ship without such a junction. At
any rate, Woolsey was certainly in the Chesapeake, as
one of her midshipmen, while Com. Morris had his
pennant flying in her, and he went with that officer to
the New York, acting Capt. Chauncey. On the pas
sage between Gibraltar and Malta, the Enterprise in

MELANCTHON TAYI/OR WOOLSEY. 119

company, occurred the explosion on board the New
York, by means of which that frigate came very near
being lost. WooJsey always spoke in the highest
terms of the coolness and decision of Chauncey, on this
trying occasion, by which alone the vessel was saved.
As it was, nineteen officers and men were blown up, or
were seriously burned, fourteen of whom lost their lives.
The sentinel in the magazine passage was driven quite
through to the filling-room door, and only a single thick
ness of plank lay between the fire and the powder of
the magazine, when the flames were extinguished.

Woolsey went off Tripoli again, in the New York,
and was present when Porter made his spirited attack
on the wheat-boats ashore, and in the abortive attempt
that was subsequently made at cannonading the town.
We are not certain whether Mr. Woolsey returned
home in the Adams, with Com. Morris, or whether he
continued out on the station until the New York's
cruise was up. There could not have been much dif
ference in the time, however, our young officer serving
afloat in the Adams, Boston, Chesapeake, New York,
and, we believe, in the Adams, again, with little or no
interruption, from the time he entered the service, in
1800, to the close of the year 1803. During these
cruises, Woolsey made himself a sailor, and a good one
he was for the time he had been at sea, and the oppor
tunities he had enjoyed.

In consequence of having been attached to the pre
vious squadron, or that of Com. Morris, Woolsey had
riot the good fortune to belong to that of Preble, which
so much distinguished itself in the succeeding year.
His next service was in the Essex 32, Capt. James

120 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

Barren, a ship that was then justly deemed one of the
best ordered in the navy. The Essex formed one of
the vessels that were placed under the orders of Com.
Samuel Barren, and she arrived out shortly after the
explosion of the Intrepid ketch. When Com. Rodgers
assumed the command of the force in the Mediterranean,
the Essex was one of his squadron, which consisted of
no less than twenty-four sail, gunboats included. Thir
teen of these vessels appeared in company before the
town of Tunis, dictating the terms of a treaty of indem
nity to that regency. The Essex was of the number.

In the course of the exchanges that were made, Capt.
Campbell took command of the Essex. About this
time Woolsey received an acting appointment as a
lieutenant, and when Capt. Campbell again exchanged
with Com. Rodgers, the latter coming home, and the
former remaining out in command, Woolsey went, with
a large proportion of the officers of the Essex, to the
Constitution 44.

In the Constitution, then the commanding ship,
Woolsey remained on the Mediterranean station, until
near the close of the year 1807. He had, for his mess
mates, Charles Ludlow, William Burrows, and various
other young men of merit. None of the lieutenants,
Ludlow excepted, were commissioned, but they were
all held in abeyance, with orders to Com. Campbell to
report on their qualifications and conduct. That officer
was so well satisfied with his young men, however,
that in the end each of them got his proper place on
the list. In that day, lieutenants were frequently very
young men, and it sometimes happened that their
frolics partook more of the levity of youth than is now

MELANCTHON TAYLOR WOOLSEY. 121

apt to occur, in officers of that rank. One little inci
dent, which occurred to Woolsey while he was under
the command of Com. Campbell, tells so well for the
parties concerned, that we cannot refrain from relating
it ; more especially as the officer whose conduct ap
peared to the most advantage in the affair is still living,
and it may serve to make his true character known to
the country.

Com. Campbell had brought with him, to his ship,
a near relative, of the name of Read. This young gen
tleman was one of the midshipmen of the frigate, while
Woolsey and Burrows were two of her lieutenants.
On a certain occasion, when the latter was «'« filled with
wine," he became pugnacious, and came to voies de
fait with his friend Woolsey. The latter, always an
excellently tempered man, as well as one of great per
sonal strength, succeeded in getting his riotous mess
mate down on the ward-room floor, where he dictated
the terms of peace. As such an achievement, notwith
standing Burrows' condition, could not be- effected
without some tumult and noise, the fact that two of the
ward-room officers had come to something very like
blows, if not actually to that extremity, necessarily be
came known to their neighbors in the steerage. From
the steerage, the intelligence traveled to the cabin, and,
next morning, both Woolsey and Burrows were placed
under arrest. As between the two parties to the scene
nothing further passed or was contemplated, they
were particularly good friends, and the offender no
sooner came to his senses than he expressed his regrets,
and no more was thought of the affair. Capt. Camp
bell himself was willing to overlook it, when he learned

VOL. II. 11

122 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

the true state of things, and all was forgotten but the
manner in which it was supposed the commodore ob
tained his information. That the last came from some
one in the steerage was reasonably certain, and the
ward-room officers .decided that the informer must have
been Mr. Read, on account of his near consanguinity
to the commanding officer. On a consultation, it was
resolved to send Mr. Read to Coventry, which was
forthwith done.

For a long time, Mr. Read was only spoken to by
the gentlemen of the ward-room on duty. They even
went out of their way to invite the other midshipmen
to dine with them, always omitting to include the sup
posed informer in their hospitalities. Any one can
imagine how unpleasant this must have been to the
party suffering, who bore it all, however, without com
plaining. At length Woolsey, while over a glass of
wine in the cabin, ascertained from the commodore
himself the manner in which the latter had obtained his
knowledge of the fracas. It was through his own
clerk, who messed in the steerage.

The moment an opportunity offered, Woolsey, than
whom a nobler or better-hearted man never existed,
went1 up to young Read on the quarter-deck, and, rais
ing his hat, something like the following conversation
passed between them.

"You must have observed, Mr. Read, that the officers
of the ward-room have treated you coldly, for some
months past ?"

"I am sorry to say I have, sir."

"It was owing to the opinion that you had informed

MELANCTHON TAYLOR WOOLSEY. 123

Com. Campbell of the unpleasant little affair that took
place between Mr. Burrows and myself."

" I have supposed it to be owing to that opinion,
sir."

" Well, sir, we have now ascertained that we have
done you great injustice, and I have come to apologize
to you for my part of this business, and to beg you
will forget it. I have it from your uncle, himself, that
it was Mr. ;"

" I have all along thought the commodore got his in
formation from that source."

" Good Heaven ! Mr. Read, had you intimated as
much, it would have put an end at once to the unplea
sant state of things which has so long existed between
yourself and the gentlemen of the ward-room."

"That would have been doing the very thing for
which you blamed me, Mr. Woolsey— turning in
former."

Woolsey frequently mentioned this occurrence, and
always in terms of high commendation of the self-denial
and self-respect of the midshipman.. We had it, much
as it is related here, from the former's mouth. It is
scarcely necessary to tell those who are acquainted
with the navy that the young midshipman was the pre
sent Commodore George Campbell Read, now in com
mand of the coast of Africa squadron.

The Constitution was kept out on the station some
months longer than had been intended, in consequence
of the attack that was made on the Chesapeake, the
ship that was fitted out to relieve her. This delay
caused the times of the crew to be up, and the frigate

124 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

was kept waiting at Gibraltar in hourly expectation of
this relief. Instead of receiving the welcome news
that the anchors were to be lifted for home, the com
modore was compelled to issue orders to return to some
port aloft. These orders produced one of the very few
mutinies that have occurred in the American marine,
the people refusing to man the capstan bars. On this
trying occasion, the lieutenants of the ship did their
duty manfully. They rushed in to the crowd, brought
out the ringleaders by the collar, and, sustained by the
marine guard, which behaved well, they soon had the
ship under complete subjection. This was done too,
as the law then stood, with very questionable authority.
Subsequent legislation has since provided for such a
dilemma, but it may be well doubted if the majority of
the Constitution's crew could have been legally made
to do duty on that occasion. So complete, however,
was the ascendancy of discipline, that the officers
triumphed, and the ship was carried wherever her
commander pleased.

Nor was this all. When the Constitution did come
home, she went into Boston. Instead of being paid
off in that port, which under the peculiarities of her
case certainly ought to have been done, orders arrived
to take her round to New York. When all hands
were called to "up anchor," her officers fully expected
another revolt ! but, instead of that, the people manned
the bars cheerfully, and no resistance was made to the
movement. The men, when spoken to in commenda
tion of their good conduct, admitted that they had been
so effectually put down on the former occasion, that
they entertained no further thoughts of resistance.

MELANCTHON TAYLOR WOOLSEY. 125

Woolsey did his full share of duty in these critical cir
cumstances, as, indeed, did all of her lieutenants.

Woolsey had greatly improved himself not only in
his profession, but in his mind generally, during his
different Mediterranean cruises. Shortly after the Con
stitution was paid off, he repaired to Washington,
where he remained some time, employed in preparing
a system of signals. The year 1808 was one during
which the relations between this country and England
very seriously menaced war. The government, in an
ticipation of such an event, saw the necessity of making
some provisions of defence on lakes Ontario and Cham-
plain. Woolsey, during his stay at Washington, had
so far gained the confidence of the Department, that he
was selected to superintend at the construction of, and
to command the first regular armaments ever made
under the Union, on these inland waters. It was de
cided to build a brig of sixteen guns on Lake Ontario,
and two gun-boats on Champlain. Five officers were
detached for this service, including Lieut. Woolsey,
who had command on both lakes. Lieut. John Mon-
tresor Has well was sent to Champlain, with Messrs.
Walker and Hall, while Woolsey took with himself,
to Ontario, Messrs. Gamble and Cooper. It is be
lieved that all these gentlemen are now dead, with the
exception of the last, who is here making an imperfect
record of some of the service of his old friend and
messmate.

The port of Oswego was selected as the place where
the brig was to be constructed. The contractors were
Christian Bergh and Henry Eckford, both of whom
afterwards became known to the country as eminent

n*

126 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

constructors and shipwrights. The brig was called the
Oneida, and she was laid down on the eastern point
that formed one side of the outlet of the river. In 1808
Oswego was a mere hamlet of some twenty, or five-and-
twenty, houses, that stood on a very irregular sort of a
line, near the water, the surrounding country, for thirty
or forty miles, being very little more than a wilderness.
On the eastern bank of the river, and opposite to the vil
lage, or on the side of the stream on which the Oneida
was built, there was but a solitary log-house, and the
ruins of the last English fort.

The arrival of a party of officers, together with a
strong gang of ship-carpenters, riggers, blacksmiths,
&c., produced a great commotion in that retired hamlet,
though port it was, and made a sensible change in its
condition. For the first time, money began to be seen
in the place, the circulating medium having previously
been salt. The place was entirely supported by the
carrying of the salt manufactured at Salina. Eight or ten
schooners and sloops were employed in this business,
and the inhabitants of Oswego then consisted of some
four or five traders, who were mostly ship-owners, the
masters and people of the vessels, boatmen who brought
the salt down the river, a few mechanics, and a quar
ter-educated personage who called himself doctor.*

* The reader can form a sort of idea of the knowledge of the
men who then practiced medicine, and who called themselves
"doctors" on the frontiers, by the following anecdote. Colonel,
then Ensign, Gardner of the " old sixth," had been a student of
medicine with Hosack, previously to his entering the army.
" Faute de mieux," he. prescribed for the men under his orders,
and the writer of this article, in the familiarity of a messmate,
used to say the G of his surname stood for " Galen." When Mr.

MELANCTHON TAYLOR WQOLSEY. 127

Woolsey and his party hired a house and commenced
housekeeping, their mess being soon increased by the
arrival of a small detachment of the Old Sixth Infantry,
under the orders of Lieut. Christie, subsequently the
Colonel Christie who died in Canada, during the cam
paign of 1813. Ensign Gardner accompanied the
party. This gentleman rose to the rank of Colonel
also, acting as adjutant-general to the division of Gen.
Brown in the celebrated campaign of '14, and has
since been deputy postmaster-general, auditor of the
Post-office Department, &c., &c.

This joint mess made a most merry winter of it. Wool
sey was its head by rank, and he was its soul in spirits
and resources. Balls, dinners, and suppers were given

Gardner joined the mess, the " doctor" mentioned in the text was
absent, nor did he return until the army officers had been some
time at Oswego. The "doctor" and the "mess" were next door
neighbors, the former living in a small building that joined the
mess-house, cooking for himself, &c., &c. Many a time did the
late Capt. Gamble and the writer risk breaking their necks, to
crawl out on the doctor's wing and drop snow-balls and other
" cooling ingredients," by means of the chimney, into the doctor's
mess. The first evening of this personage's return to Oswego,
he made his appearance in the mess, where he was cordially re
ceived, and formally introduced to the ensign by the writer.

"By the way, Galen, let me make you acquainted with our
neighbor, Hippocrates, of whom you have heard us speak
so often."

Woolsey, Gamble, and Gardner smiled at the sally, but the
smile was converted into a roar when the little doctor held out his
hand to Gardner, and answered, with a simplicity that was
of proof—

" Don't you mind what Cooper says, Mr. Galen; he is always
at some foolery or other, and has nicknamed me Hippocrates ;
why I do not know, but my real name is ."

128 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

to the better portion of the inhabitants, and, from being
regarded with distrust as likely to interfere with the
free-trade principles that the embargo then rendered
very decided on all the Canada frontier, Woolsey be
came highly popular and beloved. He had nothing to
do, in fact, with the smugglers, his duty being strictly
that of a man-of-war's man.

In the mean time, things did not drag on the point.
Eckford was present, in person, and he went into the
forest, marked his trees, had them cut, trimmed, and
hauled, and in the frame of the Oneida in a very few
days. The work advanced rapidly, and a small sloop
of war, that was pierced for sixteen guns, soon rose on
the stocks. Understanding that the floor-timbers of the
salt-droggers never decayed, Woolsey had the frame
of this brig filled in with salt, using the current coin of
the place for that purpose. In that day, every thing
was reduced to the standard value of salt, at Oswego.
A barrel of salt on the wharf was counted at two dollars ;
and so many barrels of salt were paid for a cow, so
many for a horse, and one barrel for a week's board of
the better quality. The living was excellent, salmon,
bass, venison in season, rabbits, squirrels, wild-geese,
ducks, &c., abounding. The mess, however, pro
nounced cranberries the staple commodity of the region.
They were uniformly served three times a day, and
with venison, ducks, &c., made a most delicious ac
companiment. WooLsey was a notable caterer, keeping
his mess in abundance. The house had been a tavern,
and the bar was now converted into a larder, the cold
of that region serving to keep every thing sweet. It
did the eye good to examine the collection that was

MELANCTHON TAYLOR WOOLSEY. 129

made in this corner by Christmas ! At the fireside,
Woolsey was the life of the mess in conversation, anec
dote, and amusement. He would have been a treasure
on such an expedition as that of Parry's.

One day, an inhabitant of Oswego came running into
the mess- house to say that a Lieut. R — , from Kings
ton, was then on board the brig, in disguise, examining
her. The officers were at the table, and Woolsey
coolly expressed his regrets that Mr. R. had not let him
know of his visit, that he might have had the pleasure
of his company at dinner. As the gentleman evidently
wished to be incog., however, he could not think of
disturbing him. This visit was the precursor of the
construction of a ship at Kingston, of a force to over
come the Oneida. The English vessel was called the
Royal George, mounted twenty-four guns, and was
much larger than the American brig. She subse
quently figured in Sir James Yeo's squadron, under
the name of the Montreal. A few months later, while
the Royal George was still on the stocks, Woolsey had
occasion to go to Kingston. He was invited by a friend
in that place to pay a visit to the navy-yard, and, put
ting on his uniform, he went. While on board the new
ship, the very officer who had been at Oswego came
up and remarked it was contrary to orders to allow
foreign officers to examine the vessel. Woolsey apo
logized, said he was ignorant of the rule, and would
retire.

" I have the honor of seeing Mr. R — , I believe,"
he added, as he was about to quit the ship.

The other admitted he was that person.

" I regret I did not know of the visit you did us the

130 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

favor to make on board the Oneida, until it was too late
to be of any service to you. The next time, I trust,
you will apprize us of your intention, when I shall be
extremely happy to let you see all we have that is
worth the trouble of examining, and of showing you
some of the hospitalities of the place."

It is scarcely necessary to say that the lieutenant
looked very foolish, and Woolsey had his revenge. It
is proper to add that this personage did not belong to
the Royal, but to the Provincial Navy, and was a man
of confessedly inferior manners and habits.

The Oneida was launched early in the spring, and
was immediately equipped for the lake. Erskine's
arrangement, as it was called, occurring soon after, how
ever, she was not immediately used, Woolsey now
determined to get a view of Niagara, as he did not know
at what moment he might be ordered back to the sea
board. Manning and provisioning the brig's launch,
therefore, he and Mr. Cooper sailed from Oswego, late
in June, 1809. The commencement of this little
voyage was favorable, and it was thought the boat
would reach the river in the course of eight-and-forty
hours ; but the winds proved very variable, and came
out fresh ahead. Instead of making the passage in the
anticipated two days, the launch was a week out, en
countering much bad weather. Relying on his sails,
Woolsey had taken but four men. and this was not a
force to do much with the oars, so that turning to
windward was the business most of the time. Three
times the boat beat up to a headland, called the Devil's
Nose, and twice it was compelled, by the wind and sea,
to bear up, before it could weather it. Four nights

MELANCTHON TAYLOR WOOLSEY. 131

were passed in the boat, two on the beach, and one in
a hut on the banks of the Genessee, a few miles below
the falls, and of course quite near the present site of
Rochester.

All the south shore of Ontario, with here and there
some immaterial exception, was then a wilderness !
Four days out, the provisions failed, and there was
actually a want of food. It was not easy to starve so
near the forest, certainly, but the men had been im
provident, and a fast of a few hours threw Woolsey on
his resources. Even the last cracker was eaten, and
fish could not be taken. One old seaman had passed
forty years on the lake, and he knew the position of
every dwelling that stood near its shore. There might
then have been a dozen of these little clearings between
the Oswego and the Niagara, and one that contained
three or four log-houses was known to be some two or
three leagues distant. There was no wind, and the
launch was pulled up to a beach where it was easy to
land, and at a point at no great distance from these
houses. It T*ras so late, however, that it was not thought
expedient to search for the habitations that evening.
The whole party was about to bivouac supperless,when
Mr. Cooper accidentally came across a hedge-hog, which
he killed with the sword of a cane. On this animal
all hands supped, and very good eating it proved to be.

The next morning, the two gentlemen, accompanied
by the old laker and another man, set out in quest of
the log-huts, which stood a mile or two inland. One
was found at the end of an hour, but no one was near
it. It was inhabited, however, and in a pantry were
found two loaves of bread, and a baking of dried

132 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

whortleberry pies, as well as some milk. Necessity
having no law, one loaf, two of the pies, and a gallon
of milk were sequestered, two silver dollars being left
in their places. After breakfasting, and sending the
old man to the boat with some food, the two officers
followed their pilot toward the other cabins. These
were also found, and in them the mistress of the man
sion already invaded. A full confession of what ' had
been done followed, and a proposal was made to
purchase the remainder of the pies. This alarmed the
good woman, who returned with the party forthwith,
but who took things more composedly when she got
her hand on the silver. So difficult was it to obtain
flour in those isolated clearings that she could not be
tempted to sell any thing else, and the party returned
to the boat, with about a fourth of a meal remaining in
their possession. A breeze springing up, sail was
made, and Woolsey proceeded.

Hunger and head winds again brought the adven
turers to a stand. A solitary dwelling was known to
be at no great distance inland from the pomt where the
boat now was, and again the party landed. The boat
entered by a narrow inlet into a large bay, that was
familiarly called Gerundegutt, (Irondoquoit,) and was
hauled up for the night. The whole party bivouacked
supperless.

In the morning, the two officers and three of the men
went in qtiest of the house, which was found, a mile
or two inland. The man who lived here was a cock
ney, who had left London some fifteen years before, and
pitched his tent, as he said himself, twenty miles from
his nearest neighbors. He went forty miles to mill, by

MELANCTHON TAYLOR WOOLSEY. 133

his account, making most of. the journey in a skiff.
He had neither bread nor flour to spare, nor would
money tempt him. He had four or five sheep, but his
wife remonstrated against parting with one of them ;
she wanted the fleeces to spin, and they had not yet
been sheared. Woolsey, however, persuaded the man
to have the sheep penned, when the sailors caught a
wether, and began to feel his ribs. The animal was
pronounced to be in excellent condition. A half eagle
was now exhibited, and old Peter, the pilot, got his
knife out, ready for work. The woman remonstrated,
on a high key, and the cockney vacillated. At one
moment he was about to yield ; at the next, the clamor
of the woman prevailed. This scene lasted near
a quarter of an hour, when Woolsey commenced an
attack on the lady, by paying compliments to her fine
children, three as foul little Christians as one could find
on the frontier. This threw the mother off' her guard,
and she wavered. At this unguarded moment, the man
accepted the half eagle, about five times the value of
the wether, as sheep sold at that season, in the settled
parts of the country, uttered a faint, " Well, captain,
since you wish it — " and a signal from Woolsey
caused the animal's throat to be cut incontinently. At
the next instant the woman changed her mind ; but it
was too late, the wether was bleeding to death. Not
withstanding all this, the woman refused to be pacified
until Woolsey made her a present of the skin and
fleece, when the carcass was borne off in triumph.

This sheep was all the food the party had for that
day, and it was eaten without salt or bread. Woolsey
contrived to make a sort of soup of it, over which he

VOL. n. 12

134

NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

laughed and feasted, keeping everybody in good
humor with his jokes and fine temper. Some scrapings
of flour were thrown into the pot, and Woolsey called
his dish a "noodle soup."

These things are related more to show the state of
the Ontario frontier five-and-thirty years since, than for
any great interest they possess of themselves. Pro
visions were almost of as much importance among the
dwellers of the forest, as with the mariner at sea ;
money itself, though of rare occurrence among them,
becoming nearly valueless compared with flour, in par
ticular. Even the Oswego currency, salt, did not
abound among them, the difficulties of transportation
rendering it of importance to husband the smallest
article of subsistence. The party could get no salt to
eat with their mutton.

The day the sheep was purchased, the launch went
out, and began to turn to windward, in squally weather
and against a foul wind. In crossing Genessee Bay it
came near filling in a squall, and it was found necessary
to bear up for the river. Here the party passed
another night, in a solitary log cabin, at, or near the
point where the steamers and other craft must now
make their harbor. A little bread was got in exchange
for some sheep, and milk was purchased. But six
hungry sailors seemed to create a famine wherever
they went, and next morning the launch went out,
though the wind was still foul. Then came the tug at
the Devil's Nose, which has been mentioned, and the
running to leeward to lie to in smooth water. At length
the wind came off the land, when the remainder of the
distance was run without much difficulty.

MELANCTHON TAYLOR WOOLSEY. 135

It was just as the day broke, that the party in the
launch made the mouth of the Niagara. The lantern
was still burning in the light-house ; the two forts, the
town of Newark, and the appearance of cultivation on
every side, had an effect like that of enchantment on
those who had been coasting a wilderness for a week.
Even Oswego, though an old station, had little the air
of a peopled country, but the region along the banks of
the Niagara had been settled as long as that on the
banks of the Hudson, and the transition was like that
of suddenly quitting the forest to be placed in the midst
of the labors of man. It was the Fourth of July, and
the launch entered the river with an American ensign
set. It proceeded to Newark, where the two officers
took up their quarters for a week. In an hour a depu
tation from Fort Niagara came across to inquire who
had brought the American ensign, for the first time, in
a man-of-war's boat, into that river. On being told, a
formal invitation was given to join the officers on the
other side in celebrating the day.

Woolsey and his party remained some time in and
about the Niagara. He passed up on the upper lake,
and paid a visit on board the Adams, a brig that belonged
to the War Department, which was subsequently taken
by the British, at Hull's surrender, named the Detroit,
and cut out from under Fort Erie, by Elliott, in 1812.
The return to Oswego was less difficult, and was accom
plished in two days. These were the first movements
by American man-of-war's men that ever occurred on
the great lakes — waters that bave since become famous
by the deeds of M'Donough, Perry, and Chauncey.

Although the Oneida was put out of commission,

136 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

Woolsey still remained in charge of the station that had
thus been created. In 1810, his brig was again fitted
out, and she continued in service until the declaration
of war. In the spring of '12, Woolsey seized an Eng
lish schooner that was smuggling, brought her in, and
had her condemned. This was the vessel that was
subsequently lost under Chauncey, under the name of
the Scourge. A characteristic anecdote is related of
Woolsey, in connection with the sale of some of the
effects taken on board this vessel. Every thing on
board her was sold, even to some trunks that had be
longed to a female passenger. Woolsey took care that
the hardship of the case of this lady should be made
known, in the expectation no one would be found mean
enough to bid against her agent. But in this he was
mistaken. When the agent bid five dollars, a blood
sucker of a speculator bid ten — "Twenty!" shouted
Woolsey, seating himself on one of the trunks, in a way
that said, "I'll have them, if they cost a thousand."
This movement drove off the miserable creature, and
Woolsey presented the lady her trunks, free of charges.
At the declaration of war, in 1812, which came so
unlocked for on the country, and which would not have
been made at the time it was but for a concurrence of
unexpected circumstances, Woolsey was still in com
mand on Lake Ontario, with the rank of lieutenant.
His whole force consisted of the Oneida brig, while the
enemy could muster a small squadron of several sail,
among which was the Royal George, a ship heavy
enough to engage two such vessels as the American
brig, with every chance of success. As soon as the
Oneida was actively employed, the naval station had

MELANCTHON TAYLOR WOOLSEY. 137

been removed from Oswego to Sackett's Harbor, where
she was lying at the declaration of war. On the 19th
of July, the enemy appeared in the offing, with the
Royal George, Earl of Moira, Duke of Gloucester, Se
neca, and Simcoe. The two first were ships, the third
was a brig, and the two last schooners. As soon as ap
prised of the presence of this force, Woolsey got the
Oneida under way, and went out, with the view of
passing the enemy, and escaping to the open lake, in
the hope of being able to separate his enemies in chase.
But finding this impossible, he beat back into the har
bor, and anchored his brig directly opposite to its
entrance, under the bank that is now occupied by Ma
dison Barracks. The utmost activity was shown in
making this arrangement, and in landing all the guns
on the off side of the brig, and in placing them in bat
tery on the bank.

Finding that the enemy was slowly working up on
the outside of the peninsula, Woolsey now repaired in
person to a small work that had been erected on the
high land above the navy-yard, and made his prepara
tions to open on the English from that point. A long
thirty-two had been sent on for the Oneida, but never
mounted, being much too heavy for that brig, of which
the armament consisted of twenty-four pound car-
ronades. This gun Woolsey had caused to be mounted
on its pivot, in the work named, and, as soon as the
enemy got within range, he opened on them with it.
The English had captured a boat in the offing, and
sent in a demand for the surrender of the Oneida and
the Lord Nelson, under the penalty of destroying the
place, in the event of refusal. This demand Woolsey
12*

138 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

answered with his long Tom, when a cannonading that
lasted two hours succeeded. As the enemy kept at long
shot, little damage was done, though the English were
supposed to have suffered sufficiently to induce them
to bear up and abandon the attempt. Although this
affair was not very bloody, Woolsey did all that circum
stances would allow ; he preserved his brig, and saved
the town. He was assisted by a small body of troops
in the work. If the enemy did not press him harder,
the fault was their own ; he had not the means of acting
on the offensive.

The government deciding to increase its force on
Lake Ontario, Com. Chauncey was ordered to assume
the command. Woolsey continued second in rank all
that season, however, retaining the command of the
Oneida. He was in charge of this brig in the spirited
dash that Chauncey made against Kingston, in Novem
ber, on which occasion the Oneida was warmly engaged,
receiving some damage, and having four of her crew
killed and wounded. This attack virtually closed the
war on the lake for the season, as the affair of Sackett's
Harbor had commenced it.

Both parties building in the course of the winter, it
was found necessary to send several officers to Ontario,
who ranked Lieut. Com. Woolsey. As this was done
only to take charge of new vessels, he ever after was
employed in command, when employed at all. Wool
sey was second in command, however, at the attack on
York, retaining his own brig, the commodore having
hoisted his pennant in the Madison. Woolsey was also
present at the landing and the attack on the batteries of
Fort George, still commanding the Oneida, with the

MELANCTHON TAYLOR WOOLSEY. 139

rank of lieutenant. As Perry was present on this occa
sion, our subject was only third in rank among the sea-
officers engaged.

Shortly after the landing at Fort George, Woolsey
was promoted to be a commander, though he did not
learn the fact for some time. His name appears as the
seventh in a batch of fifteen. Two of his juniors,
Trenchard and Elliott, were already on Lake Ontario,
and several of his seniors were shortly afterward sent
there. In all the manceuvering, and in the skirmishes
which took place between Commodores Chauncey and
Yeo, during the summer of '13, Woolsey still remained
in charge of the Oneida, older officers and post-captains
coming up with fresh crews for the larger vessels.
Sinclair had the Pike, and Crane the Madison, leaving
Woolsey the fourth in rank present.

When the squadron returned to port, Woolsey found
his new commission, and he was transferred to a large
new schooner, called the Sylph, Lieut. Brown succeed
ing him in his old command, the Oneida. The Sylph
was a large, fast-sailing schooner, that carried an awk
ward armament of four heavy pivot-guns amidships,
mounted to fire over all. Woolsey was in this vessel,
on the 2Sth September, when Chauncey so nobly
brought the whole English squadron to close action,
supported for a considerable time only by Bolton, in
the Governor Tompkins, and the Asp, a schooner that
the Pike had in tow. This was one of the sharpest
affairs of the war, as long as it lasted, and would have
been decisive had the Madison and Sylph been able to
close ; or, had not Sir James Yeo run through his own

140 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

line, and taken refuge under the batteries of Burlington
Heights.

As is usual, when success does not equal expectation,
most of the superior officers received more or less cen
sure, for supposed mistakes on this occasion. It is now
well known that a complete defeat would have befallen
the enemy had he been hotly pressed, and that he was
seriously worsted as it was ; but it is easy to discover
the avenues to success, after the road has been once
thoroughly traveled. It is a fact worthy of being
remembered, that not an English vessel was taken in
battle, during the whole of the war of 1812, with two
very immaterial exceptions, unless she offered freely to
engage. The exceptions were the two small craft taken
at the close of Perry's victory on Lake Erie, in which
the whole English force had, in the first instance, very
gallantly offered battle.

Woolsey did not escape criticism in this affair, any
more than other commanders. His schooner did not
prove of as much service as she might have been, on
account of the awkwardness of her armament, which
was changed to broadside guns, as soon as the squadron
went into port again. Woolsey alleged that he was
compelled to tow a large schooner, as was the fact with
the Madison. Neither dared to cast off the tow, in the
presence of the commodore, and the latter had sufficient
reasons for not ordering them to do so. Woolsey very
frankly admitted, however, that he impaired the sailing
of the Sylph, by surging on the tow-line in the hope it
would part ; a false step, that dropped his schooner so
far astern that she greatly embarrassed him by her yaw
ing. It is by no means certain Sir James Yeo would

MELANCTHON TAYLOR WOOLSEY. 141

have engaged at all, could the whole of the American
force have closed at the same time, and he always had
Burlington Bay under his lee.

A few days after this action, Chauncey chased to the
eastward, under a crowd of canvas, with the mistaken
notion that the English had got past him in the night.
In the afternoon of the 5th October, seven sail were
made ahead, and it was supposed the British squadron
was leading down the lake. An hour later, the ves
sels ahead were made out to be schooners, when the
commodore signalled the Sylph and Lady of the Lake
to cast off their tows. This was no sooner done than
these two fast schooners shot swiftly ahead. Seeing
their danger, the enemy set fire to the dullest craft, and
separated. The Pike now cast off her tow, and she
soon succeeded in capturing three of the enemy.
Woolsey soon after joined with a fourth, and, continuing
on, next morning he brought a fifth out from the Ducks.
The prizes were gun-vessels, and near 300 prisoners
were made in them, including a detachment of troops.
Two of these vessels were the schooners Chauncey had
lost in his action with Sir James, earlier in the season.
This affair substantially closed the cruising service of
that year.

Woolsey got a new vessel for the season of 1814.
She was a large brig of twenty-two guns, called the
Jones, and proved a fast and good vessel. Previously
to the equipment of this vessel, however, he was sent
to superintend the transportation of guns and cables,
from Oswego to the Harbor, by water. This was very
delicate service, as the enemy had obtained the tempo
rary command of the lake, by building. He was at the

142 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

Oswego Falls, engaged in this duty, when the English
made their descent at Oswego. Woolsey showed much
address on this occasion. The enemy possessing so
many means of obtaining information, he was compelled
to resort to artifice — spreading a report that the direction
of the stores was to be changed. Allowing sufficient
time for this rumor to reach the enemy, he caused as
many guns and cables to be run over the fails as he had
boats to carry them in, and immediately went down the
river. At dusk, on the evening of the 20th May, the
look-outs seeing nothing in the offing, he went out with
a brigade of nineteen heavy boats. The night proved
to be dark and rainy, and the men toiled until daylight
at the oars. When light returned, the boats were at
the mouth of Big Salmon River. Here the party was
met by a small detachment of Indians ; a party of rifle
men, under Major Appling, having formed the guard
from Oswego. It was found that one boat had parted
company in the night. This boat, as it was afterward
ascertained, attempted to pass the blockading squadron,
and to go direct to the Harbor by water. It was cap
tured by the English.

Woolsey went on, and entered Big Sandy Creek,
with his charge, agreeably to a previous understanding.
In the mean time, Sir James Yeo, learning the situation
of the brigade, from the crew of the captured boat, sent
a strong party, covered by three gun-boats, to capture
it. The English entered the creek with confidence,
throwing grape and cannister into the bushes ahead of
them, from some very heavy carronades. Woolsey set
about discharging his guns and cables, in order to secure
them, while Major Appling placed his command in am-

MELANCTHON TAYLOR WOOLSEY. 143

bush, a short distance below the boats. As the English
advanced they were met by a most destructive fire, and
every man of their party was captured. Among the
prisoners were two captains, four sea lieutenants, ancf
two midshipmen. The stores were safely conveyed to
the Harbor, and Chauncey was enabled to raise the
blockade, as soon as he could arm his new ships.

After the American squadron got out, Woolsey com
manded the Jones 22. He was only the sixth in rank
on the lake this summer, there being several captains
present, beside two commanders that were his seniors.
The Jones was kept in the squadron until Chauncey had
swept the lake, but the commodore going off Kingston
with a diminished force, in the hope of tempting Sir
James to come out, he ordered Woolsey to cruise be
tween Oswego and the Harbor, in order to keep the
communication between these two important points
free. At a later day Woolsey was sent to join Ridgely,
who was blockading the Niagara. On this station the
Jefferson and the Jones experienced a tremendous gale,
in which the former had to throw some of her guns
overboard.

The last service on the lake that season, was in
transporting the division of Gen. Izard to the west
ward. Shortly after, Chauncey collected all his force
at the Harbor, and prepared to repel an attack, which
it was expected the English would make, having got
their two-decker out.

Peace being made the succeeding winter, most of
the officers and crews were transferred to the seaboard.
Woolsey, however, was left in charge of the station,
where he remained for many years. There was a vast

144 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

amount of property to take care of, and a little fleet of
dismantled vessels. This continued for several years,
but gradually the charge was reduced, officer after
officer was withdrawn, ship after ship was broken up,
until, in the end, the trust was one that might well be
confided to a subordinate. In 1817, Woolsey was pro
moted to be a captain, and not long after he married a
lady of the name of Tredwell, a member of the Long
Island family of that name.

Woolsey passed the flower of his days on Lake
Ontario. No doubt this was of disservice, by with
drawing him, for many years, from the more active
duties of his profession. But he liked, and was liked
in, that quarter of the country, and family ties came in
aid of old associations to keep him there. After re
maining something like fifteen years in the lake service,
however, he got the Constellation frigate, then attached
to the West India Squadron. Com. Warrington had
his pennant in his ship, most of the time, and there
being very little difference in the dates of the commis
sions of these two officers, Woolsey always spoke with
feeling of the extreme delicacy with which he was
treated by his superior. On his return from this station,
he had charge of the Pensacola Yard.

After quitting Pensacola, Woolsey preferred his own
claims for a squadron, and he was sent to the coast of
Brazils, Avhere he commanded, with a broad pennant,
the usual term. This was the last of his service afloat,
or, indeed, ashore. His health began to decline, not
long after his return, and he died in 1838.

Commodore Woolsey was of the middle height, sailor-
built, and of a compact, athletic frame. His counte-

MELANCTHON TAYLOR WOOLSEY. 145

nance was prepossessing, and had singularly the look
of a gentleman. In his deportment, he was a pleasing
mixture of gentleman-like refinement and seaman-like
frankness. His long intimacy with frontier habits could
not, and did not, destroy his early training, though it
possibly impeded some of that advancement in his pro
fessional and general knowledge, which he had so suc
cessfully commenced in early life. He was an excellent
seaman, and few officers had more correct notions of the
rules of discipline. His familiar association with all the
classes that mingle so freely together in border life, had
produced a tendency, on his excellent disposition, to
relax too much in his ordinary intercourse, perhaps, but
his good sense prevented this weakness from proceed
ing very far. Woolsey rather wanted the grimace than
the substance of authority. A better-hearted man never
lived. All who sailed with him loved him, and he had
sufficient native mind, and sufficient acquired instruc
tion, to command the respect of many of the strongest
intellects of the service.

The widow of Com. Woolsey still lives. She has
several children, and we regret to say, like those of her
sex who survive the public servants of this country, she
is left with few of the world's goods to console her.
Woolsey's eldest son is in the navy, and has nearly
reached the rank of lieutenant.

VOL. II. 13

*••

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY.

THE family of Perry has now been American for
near two centuries. The first of the name on this side
of the Atlantic, was a native of Devonshire, who emi
grated to the new world about the middle of the seven
teenth century, settling at Plymouth, in Massachusetts.
Being of the sect of Friends, however, this residence
proved to be as unfavorable to the indulgence of his
peculiar religious opinions, as that from which he had
so lately migrated in his native island, and he was in
duced to go deeper into the wilderness. He finally
established himself, accompanied by others of his per
suasion, on Narragansett Bay, at a place called South
Kingston. Here Edmund Perry, for so was the emi
grant called, acquired a landed property of some extent,
from the Indians, and by fair purchase, which has con
tinued in the possession of his descendants down to our
own time.

From Edmund Perry was descended, in the fourth
generation, Christopher Raymond Perry, the father of
the subject of this memoir, who was born in 1761.
This gentleman chose to follow the sea. After serving
for some time in private armed vessels of war, during
the Revolution, he. turned to the merchant service for
employment when peace was made, being at that time

116

' **

*!.RY,

THS family of Perry has now been jkmvnc&n «<
ar two centuries. The first of the name on this . i
ihe Atlantic, was a native of Devonshire, who enrii-
o thft new world about the middle of ihe sev-.-n-

sidencfi

; the wilderness. He finally

csiab'ish d himself, accompanist by others of his per
suasion, on Narragansett Bay, at a place t^U^d Somh
Kingston. Here Edmund Perry* for so w?t^ tfu- •
••d roerty .

:i§ down to our

«eneiaiion, Chrisioph« " *fev*'V^.d Perry, the fatht-f
The subject of this ifi? ?*•'•, wlio was born in r
This gentleman chose fc, ; >; • -^' the sea. Aiier :

• ;j j-rivaU' :"!i?ed vessels of war. -^

the Revolution, he." turned to the merchant service for
employment when peace was made, being at that time

146

148 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

rine. Capt. Perry's commission placed him the eighth
on the list of officers of his rank, but there being no
ship of a suitable size for him to take, he was directed
to superintend the construction of a vessel that was soon
after laid down, at Warren, in his native State. On
this occasion, Capt. Perry, accompanied by his wife,
removed to Warren, leaving the household in charge
of their eldest son, then a boy of only thirteen. This
may be said to have been Oliver Perry's first command,
and it is the tradition of the family that he acquitted
himself of these novel duties with great prudence,
kindness and impartiality. It was certainly a high
trust to repose in a boy of his tender years, and proves
the complete confidence his parents had in his discre
tion, temper and good sense. At this period of his
life, as indeed he continued to be to a much later day,
the youth was obliging, active and of singularly pre
possessing appearance ; and is said to have been an
object of great interest within the limited circle of his
acquaintance.

Captain Perry's vessel was a small frigate, that was
very appropriately named the General Greene. She
appears on the registers of the department as a vessel
of 645 tons, and rating as a 24. In the journals of the
day, however, she is oftener called a 32, which was
about the number of guns she actually carried, while
her true rate would have properly made her a 28.
This ship was not ready to sail until the spring of the
year 1799. By this time her captain's eldest son had
resolved to enter on a career similar to that of his
father's, and, having some time previously announced
his wishes, a warrant was issued to him as a midship

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 149

man. Perry's appointment was dated April 7th,
1799, and made one of a small batch which occurred
about that time, generally with intervals of a day be
tween each warrant, and which contained the names
of Trippe, Robert Henly, Joseph Bainbridge, Noel
Cox, &c., &c.

Soon after Perry joined his father's ship, or about
the middle of May, the General Greene sailed to join
the force in the West Indies. Capt. Perry was di
rected to proceed to the Havana, and to look after the
trade in that quarter, as " well as that which passes
down the straits of Bahama to the Spanish main."
After remaining a few weeks on her station, the yel
low fever broke out in the ship, and she returned to
Newport about the close of the month of July. In this
short cruise Perry was first initiated in his sea service,
and it is a singular circumstance that it was marked by
the appearance of that dire disease by which he was,
himself, subsequently lost to the country.

By bringing his ship north, Capt. Perry soon puri
fied her, and she sailed again, for the same station, a
few weeks later. Thence she went off St. Domingo,
to cruise against Rigaud's barges, which committed
many and sanguinary outrages; his orders directing
him to circumnavigate the whole island of St. Do
mingo. While employed on this service, the General
Greene found several of the brigand's light craft at
anchor under the protection of some batteries. The
ship stood in, and anchoring, a warm cannonade com
menced. In about half an hour the batteries were
silenced, as was supposed with some loss, but a vessel
which had the appearance of a French frigate heaving

150 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

in sight in the offing, Capt. Perry lifted his anchor, and
went out to meet her, without taking possession of his
conquests. The stranger proved to be a French built
vessel, that had changed masters ; being, at that time,
in the English navy.

The General Greene next went off Jaquemel to assist
Toussaint to reduce the place. The ship is said to have
been very serviceable on this duty, and to have had her
full share in the success which attended the expedition.
In all this service, Perry was present, of course, though
in the subordinate station of a young midshipman. It
was the commencement of his career, and no doubt had
an influence in giving him useful opinions of duty, and
in favorably forming his character.

The General Greene was placed under the particular
command of Com. Talbot, by special orders from the
department, of the date of September 3d, 1799, but did
not fall in with that officer until April of the following
year, when Capt. Perry reached Cape Francois, the
point from which he had sailed to make the circuit of
the island. Here the latter officer was directed to pro
ceed to the mouth of the Mississippi, and receive on
board Gen. Wilkinson and family ; that officer being
then at the head of the army. The frigate arrived off
the Balize about the 20th of the month, and sailed
again for Newport on the 10th of May. An act of
spirit manifested by the elder Perry, on his return
home from the Balize, is recorded to his credit, and as
affording a proof of the school in which his gallant son
was educated. The General Greene had taken an
American brig under convoy that was bound into the
Havana. Off the latter port, an English two-decked

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 151

ship fired a shot ahead of the brig to bring- her to.
Capt. Pe?ry directing his convoy to disregard the
signal, and the wind being light, the Englishman sent
a boat in chase of the brig. When sufficiently near,
the General Greene fired a shot ahead of the boat, as a
hint to go no closer. The boat now came alongside of
the frigate, and the two-decker closed at the same time,
when the latter demanded the reason of the General
Greene's shot. The answer was that it had been fired
to prevent the boat from boarding a vessel under her
convoy. The English officer, who must have known
that this reply, which manifested far more spirit in the
year 1800 than it would to-day, was in strict conformity
with maritime usage, had the prudence not to persist,
and the honor of the American flag was vindicated.
This circumstance, taken in connection with a few
others of a similar character, which occurred about the
same time, had a strong influence in elevating the re
putation of the infant navy, and in erasing an unfavor
able impression that had been made by the impressment
of five men, two years earlier, from on board the Balti
more, 20.

The crew of the General Greene were paid off, as
usual, at the end of the year ; or, soon after her second
return to Newport. Capt. Perry was continued in com
mand of the ship, however, and orders were sent to
prepare her for another cruise ; but the negotiations for
peace assuming a favorable aspect, the orders were
countermanded, and the ship was carried to Washing
ton and laid up. The peace-establishment law reduced
the list of captains from twenty-eight to nine, and, as
Capt, Perry was not one of those retained, he retired

-

152 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

from service, with Talbot, Sever, the elder Decatur,
Tingey, Little, Geddes, Robinson, and others. His
son Oliver, however, belonged to the one hundred and
fifty midshipmen that the law directed to be retained,
and his fortunes were cast for life in the service.

Young Perry was left on shore, to pursue his studies,
from the time the General Greene returned frpm her
second cruise, until the spring of the year 1802, when
he was ordered to join the Adams 28, Capt. Camp
bell, which ship was then fitting for the Mediterranean
station. This frigate, known to the navy by the sobri
quet of the little Adams, was a vessel a hundred tons
smaller than the General Greene, but was deemed one
of the fastest ships the country had sent into the West
Indies, during the late contest. Her present com
mander was an officer of gentleman-like habits and
opinions, and well suited to inspire young men with
the manners and maxims appropriate to their caste.
The ship also enjoyed the advantage of possessing a
thorough practical seaman in her first lieutenant, the
late Com. Hull, who, a short time before, had filled
the same station on board the Constitution 44, Com.
Talbot.

The Adams sailed from Newport, June 10th, 1802,
and arrived at Gibraltar about the middle of July,
where she found Com. Morris, in the Chesapeake 38,
who sent her up as far as Malaga with a convoy. On
her return from this duty, the ship was left below to
watch a Tripoli tan that was then lying at Gibraltar, the
remainder of the squadron going aloft. Here the
Adams passed the winter, cruising in the Straits much
of the time ; a duty that the young men in her found

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 153

irksome beyond a question, but which they also must
have found highly instructive, as nothing so much
familiarizes officers to maneuvering, as handling a ship
in narrow waters, and with the land constantly aboard.
One of the favorite traditions of the service relates to
the steady and cool manner in which Hull worked the
Adams while employed on this duty, the ship being in
great danger of going ashore on the rocks. Six or eight
months of such service is equal, in the way of expe
rience, to two or three years of running from port to
port, in as straight lines as can be made ; or of making
sail in good weather, and of reducing it in bad. The
Adams must have commenced her blockade of the Tri-
politan about the 21st July, 1802, the day Com. Morris
sailed, and remained actively engaged on this duty
until relieved by the squadron, which did not reach the
rock until the 23d March, 1803; this makes a period
of eight months and two days. Apart from the instruc
tion which an ambitious youth like Perry must have
been conscious of obtaining under such circumstances,
this blockade contained an event which is always an
epoch in the life of a young officer. Perry was a fa
vorite with his captain, and being studious, attentive to
his duties, sedate and considerate beyond his years,
and of a person and manner to set off all these qualities
to advantage, that officer gave him an acting appoint
ment as a lieutenant. To enhance the gift, Capt.
Campbell made out his orders on the young man's
birth-day. This was transferring young Perry from
the steerage to the ward-room the day he was seven
teen, one of the very few instances of promotion so

154 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

young, that have occurred in the American navy.* As
this promotion took place on the 21st August, 1803, and
Perry's warrant was dated April 7th, 1799, it follows
that, in addition to his youth, he got this important step
when he had been in the service less than four years
and five months.

As soon as the squadron came down to Gibraltar, the
Adams was sent aloft again with a convoy. As the
ship touched at many different ports on the North
shore, our young lieutenant had various occasions to
visit places at which she stopped, and to store his mind
with the pleasing and useful information with which
that region more abounds, probably, than any other
portion of the globe. There is little doubt that one of
the reasons why the American marine early obtained
a thirst for a knowledge that is not uniformly connected
with the pursuits of a seaman, and a taste which, per
haps was above the level of that of the gentlemen of
the country, was owing to the circumstance that the
wars with Barbary called its officers so much, at the
most critical period of its existence, into that quarter of
Europe. Travellers to the old world were then ex
tremely rare, and the American who, forty years ago,
could converse, as an eye-witness, of the marvels of the

* The writer knows of but two other instances of promotions at
so very young an age. One was that of the present Capt. Cooper ;
and the other that of the late Lt. Augustus Ludlow, who fell in
the Chesapeake. In both these instances, he thinks the gentle
men were a little turned ot seventeen. Mr. Cooper, however, got
a commission, which was not the case with either Perry or Lud
low. Lawrence must have been made acting when little more
than eighteen, and Stewart's original appointment was made when
he was only nineteen.

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 155

Mediterranean; who had seen the remains of Car
thage, or the glories of Constantinople ; who had
visited the Coliseum, or was familiar with the affluence
of Naples, was more than half the time, in some way or
other, connected with the Navy.

In May, the Adams, in company with the rest of the
squadron, appeared before Tripoli, but no service of
importance occurred in which there is any evidence
that Perry participated. Soon after, Com. Morris left
the coast, and his ships separated. The Adams cruised
along the south shore, rejoining the squadron at Gibral
tar. This gave Perry an opportunity of seeing some
of the towns of Barbary. At Gibraltar, the commodore
took the Adams, in person, she being the ship which
he had first commanded in the service, and came home
in her, Capt. Campbell going to the John Adams, but
taking no officers with him.

Perry reached America in the Adams, in November,
1803. His cruise had lasted eighteen months ; much
of the time the vessel being actually under her canvas.
This was, in every respect, a most important piece of
service to the young man, and probably laid the prin
cipal foundation of his professional character, besides
contributing largely to his information and manners as
a man. On his return, he is said to have devoted him
self earnestly to the studies peculiar to his calling, and
to have made laudable efforts to do credit to himself in
his new rank. The young officers, however, who made
the Mediterranean cruise in 1802 and 1803, were unfor
tunate as to the time of their service. The following-
season, or that of the summer of 1804, was the eventful
period of the Tripolitan war, and this was the moment

156 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

when accident left Perry ashore, devoting himself to
useful pursuits, it is true, but removing him from those
scenes of active warfare in which he was so well quali
fied to become distinguished. From the close of No
vember, 1803, until the summer of 1804, Perry was on
furlough, and at home. One cannot know this, without
regretting that a young officer of his peculiar fitness for
the service whiqh then occurred before Tripoli, should
not have had it in his power to have been with Preble.

In May, or June, of the latter year, however, Lieut.
Perry received orders to join the Constellation, at Wash
ington, then fitting for the Mediterranean, again, under
his old commander and friend, Capt. Campbell. The
ship sailed in July, and on the 10th of September, or
six days after the explosion of the Intrepid, and just as
the last shot had virtually, if not actually, been fired at
the town, she appeared off* Tripoli, the President 44,
Com. S. Barron, in company. The Constellation was
subsequently employed near Derne, in sustaining the
operations of Gen. Eaton, but her size rendered her of
no great use on that coast.

Among the vessels off Derne, was the Nautilus 14,
the schooner of the lamented Somers, and being in want
of a first lieutenant, Capt. Campbell ordered Perry to
join her in that capacity. Perry was now in his twen
ty-first year, and had been about six years in the navy.
He had made himself a very good seaman, and was
accounted a particularly efficient deck-officer. His
acquirements were suited to his profession, his manners
good and considerate, his appearance unusually pleas
ing, his steadiness of character such as to awaken confi
dence, and his mind, if riot of an unusually high order,

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 3 57

was sufficient to command respect. The new situ- don
in which he was placed, was one to put his professional
qualities to the test, and he acquitted himself, notwith
standing his youth, with great credit.

Perry remained in the Nautilus till the autumn of
1805, when Com. Rodgers gave him an order to join
the Constitution, as one of his own lieutenants. As
this officer was very rigid in his exactions of duty, and
particularly fastidious in the choice of subordinates, it
was a compliment, though no sinecure, to be thus select
ed, and there can be no question that it was an advan
tage to one' disposed to do his whole duty to serve under
his immediate eye. In this ship Perry remained until
the autumn of the succeeding year, when he went to
the Essex, as second lieutenant, following the commo
dore, who was about to return home, where they arrive*!
in October.

Perry had now acquired his profession, and obtained
respectable rank. At this period of his life, he was
known as one of the more promising young officers of
the navy, and had his full ' proportion of friends in all
the grades of the service. He was employed in super
intending the building and equipment of gun-boats,
soon after his arrival at home, and this was the period
of his life when he is said to have formed the attach
ment which, a few years later, produced a union with
the lady he married. After seeing the gun-boats
equipped, he was attached to them, for some years,
with the command of a division. This disagreeable
service, however, finally ended. After superintending
the construction of a second batch, for these useless
craft were literally put into the water in flotillas, in

VOL. II. 14

158 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

1808, he was appointed in April, 1809, to his first proper
command. The vessel he got was a schooner, called The
Revenge, which had been bought into the service, and
which proved to be a very respectable cruiser of her
class ; her armament consisting of fourteen short and
light guns. His predecessor in this schooner was Jacob
Jones, who had been one of the oldest lieutenants, if not
the very oldest lieutenant in the navy, at the time he
commanded her. As Perry had several seniors on the
list, his selection for this command is another proof of
the estimation in which he was held by his superiors.

The Revenge had been introduced into the navy
more as a despatch-boat than as a regular cruiser, but
she was subsequently put into the coast squadron, and
was in that situation when Perry took her. After pass
ing the summer of 1809, and the winter of 1809-10, in
this duty, cruising most of the time on the Northern and
Eastern coast, Perry was ordered to take his vessel to
Washington for repairs, in April of the latter year.
From this place the Revenge sailed on the 20th of May,
for the Southern coast, where she was to be stationed.
While thus employed, two occasions occurred to enable
Perry to prove the spirit by which he was animated,
and, on both of which, he acquitted himself with credit.
The first was the seizure of an American vessel that

•

had been run away with by her master, an Englishman
by birth, who had put her under English colors, as
English built. The vessel was lying in the Spanish
waters, off Amelia Island, and two small English cruisers
were at anchor near her. The Spanish authorities
consented to the seizure, which was made by the Re
venge, sustained by three gun-boats, and the vessel

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 159

brought off in the presence of the two English cruisers.
It is impossible to say whether the. English officers
were, or were not apprised of the true circumstances
of the case, or how far they were willing to see justice
done ; but the spirit of Perry is not affected by these
facts, as he proceeded in total ignorance of whai might
be their determination. While carrying his prize off
to sea, an English sloop of war was met, the captain of
which sent a boat with a request that the commander of
the Revenge would come on board and explain his cha
racter. The occurrence between the Leopard and the
Chesapeake was then fresh, and the utmost feeling ex*
isted in the service on the subject of British aggressions.
Perry refused to quit his vessel, and prepared for hosti
lities. His plan was to throw all hands on board his
expected foe, and to trust the chances to a hand-to-hand
struggle. The Revenge was well manned, and so judi
cious and cool were his arrangements, that the proba
bility of success was far from hopeless. The desperate
resort to force, however, was avoided by the discretion
of the English officer, who did not press his demand.

In August, 1810, the Revenge returned north, and
was stationed on the coast in the vicinity of Newport.
On the 8th of January, 1811, this schooner was unfor
tunately wrecked on Watch Hill Reef, though many
of her effects were saved through the activity of her
commander and his people, aided by boats from the
squadron then lying in the Thames. This accident
was to be attributed to the influence of the tides in thick
weather, but the blame, if blame there was, fell solely
on the coast pilot, who was in charge at the time. It
was one of those occurrences, however, to which all

160 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

seamen are liable, and which it surpasses human means
to foresee or prevent, while the duty on which the ves
sel was employed was performed. Perry's conduct,
on this occasion, was highly spoken of at the time, and
he at least gained in the estimation of the service by
an event which, perhaps, tries a commander's true
qualities and reputation as much as any other which
can occur to him. A court, consisting of Com. Hull,
Lieut, now Com. Morris, and Lieut, the late Capt.
Ludlow, fully acquitted Perry of all blame, while it ex
tolled his coolness and judgment. By this accident
Perry lost a command, which he had held about twenty-
one months.

On the 5th May, 1811, Perry was married to Eliza
beth Champlin Mason, of Rhode Island, the lady to
whom he had now been attached since the commence
ment of the year 1807, and to whom he had been
affianced for most of the intervening time. At the
time of his marriage, Perry was in his twenty-sixth
year, and his bride was about twenty. Not long after,
he was promoted to the rank of master and commander.
Perry obtained this step when he had not been quite
fourteen years in service, and at the age of twenty-six.
This was a fair rate of preferment, and one that would
be observed even at the present time, with a proper
division of the grades, and a judicious restriction on the
appointment of midshipmen, a class of officers that
ought never to be so numerous as to allow of idleness
on shore, and which, in time of peace, should be so
limited as to give them full employment when at sea.

The declaration of war, in 1812, found Perry in
command of a division of gun-boats on the Newport

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 161

station. This being a duty in which the chance
of seeing any important service was very trifling, his
first and natural desire was to get to sea in a sloop of
war. Most of the vessels of this class, which the navy
then possessed, however, were commanded by his
seniors in rank, and those that were not, accident had
put in the hands of officers whom it would have been
ungracious to supersede. Anxious to be in a more ac
tive scene, in the course of the winter of 1812-13, he
made an offer to serve on the Lakes. This offer was
accepted, and in February, 1813, he was ordered to
report to Com. Chauncey, at Sackett's Harbor, and to
take with him such of the officers and men of his flo
tilla as were suited to the contemplated service.

Perry met his commanding officer at Albany, on the
^th February, and together they set out for the Har
bor, which place they reached on the 3d of March.
Here Perry remained until the 16th, when he was
ordered to Lake Erie, with instructions to superintend
the equipment of a force on those waters. On the 27th,
he arrived at the port of Presque Isle, or Erie, and im
mediately urged on the work, which had been already
commenced. There is a portion of military duty that
figures but little in histories and gazettes, but which is
frequently the most arduous of any on which an officer
can be employed. To this class of service belong the
preparations that are limited by insufficient means, the
procuring of supplies, and contending with the diffi
culties of hurried levies, undisciplined men, and imper
fect equipments. These were the great embarrassments
with which Washington had to contend in the war of
the Revolution, and his conquests over them entitle him

14*

162 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

to more credit than he might have obtained for a dozen
victories.

As respects the state of the Northern frontier during
the last war, the reader of history is not apt fully to
appreciate all the obstacles that were to be overcome in
conducting the most important operations. In 1813,
with very immaterial exceptions, the whole lake fron
tier, on the American side of those inland waters, was
little different from a wilderness. The few roads
which communicated with the older parts of the
country, were scarcely more than avenues cut through
the forests, and not always these ; while the streams
that it was indispensable to navigate were often ob
structed by rapids and even falls, frequently filled with
drift wood, and rarely aided by locks, or other similar
inventions. Supplies usually had to be brought from
the Atlantic towns, and most of the artisans were trans
ported from the sea coast, into those distant wilds.
Against the difficulties of this nature Perry had now
to contend, and he exerted himself to the utmost. At
different periods he received reinforcements of officers
and men, and in the course of the spring all of his ves
sels were got into the water. Still a great deal re
mained to be done ; stores, guns, munitions of war,
and, to a certain extent, crews having yet to be assem
bled.

While thus employed, Perry received the welcome
intelligence that the squadron and army below were
about to make a descent on Fort George. This enter
prise had been contemplated for some time, and Com
modore Chauncey had promised to give our young
commander the charge of the seamen that were to land.

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 163

No sooner did he get the information that the expedi
tion was about to take place, than he left Erie, in a four-
oared boat, on a dark but placid night, and after a plea
sant passage of twenty-four hours he reached Buffalo.
In this passage he was accompanied by a sailing master
of the name of Dobbins, who was well acquainted with
the lake, and who, in fact, had been his predecessor in
the command on Erie, having laid down and nearly
built several of the vessels that subsequently formed the
fighting squadron, besides having got out most of the
timber of the two principal craft, previously to Perry's
having reached the lake. The British batteries were
then passed in the same boat, as it descended the Nia
gara river. In descending the river, Perry encountered
no danger, falling in with no enemy to obstruct his
passage. On reaching Schlosser he landed. From
Schlosser, Perry and Dobbins proceeded on foot to the
falls, leaving the men with the boat. At the falls a
horse was hired for him, and Perry left his companion
on his way to Fort Niagara. By the evening of the
twenty-fifth he got on board the Madison 24, in which
ship Com. Chauncey's pennant was then flying.*

Chauncey gave his visitor a warm reception. There
was a scarcity of officers of rank on the lakes, and
Perry had obtained a reputation for zeal and conduct
that would be apt to render his presence acceptable on
the eve of an important enterprise. When he got on
board the ship, he found the officers of the squadron

* The reader will find many of the minor incidents" related here,
differing from those originally given in Graham. The corrections
are made on the testimony of an eye-witness and an actor in the
events.

164 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

assembled to receive their orders, and a general wel
come met him. The next morning the commodore
went to reconnoitre the enemy's batteries, taking Perry
with him, in the Lady of the Lake. Arrangements
were then made for the descent.

It would not be easy to write a better description of
the appearance of the fleet, as it advanced to the attack
on this occasion, than has been simply but graphically
given by Perry himself, in one of his published letters.
"The ship was under way," he says, "with a light
breeze from the eastward, quite fair for us ; a thick
mist hanging over Newark and Fort George, the sun
breaking forth in the East, the vessels all under way,
the lake covered with several hundred large boats,
filled with soldiers, horses and artillery, advancing
toward the enemy, altogether formed one of the grandest
spectacles I ever witnessed." It had be"en decided
that a body of seamen were to be landed, under the
immediate orders of Perry, but some irregularity exist
ing in the movements of the brigades, his duties took a
more extended range. As the boats pulled toward the
shore, Perry saw that the soldiers, who rowed their
own boats, were getting too far to leeward, for the wind
had freshened ; and, pointing out the circumstance to
the commodore, he was desired to put them on the right
course. Pulling toward the advance, Perry fortified
his authority by requesting Col. Scott, who led the
troops in front, to join him, and together they proceeded
on the duty, which was successfully and very oppor
tunely performed. Col. Scott now rejoined his com
mand, and Perry pulled on board the schooner that was
nearest in, covering the debarkation. Here the lookout

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 165

aloft informed him that the British were advancing
toward the lake, in force. Aware that the Americans
did not expect such a meeting on the shore, Perry now
pulled down the whole line to reach Col. Scott, and
apprise him of the resistance he was to meet. Before
he could reach that point, however, the British appeared
on the bank and gave a volley. This unexpected at
tack checked the advance but a moment ; the boats
being within fifty yards of the beach at the time, were
soon on it, and the troops landed. Perry now went
on board the Hamilton, a schooner of 9 guns, which
vessel maintained a heavy fire of grape and canister
on the enemy. Other vessels aided, and the troops
forming, rushed up and carried the bank. At this
moment, Maj. Gen. Lewis, who was to command
in chief on shore, reached the schooner, reconnoitered
the ground, and then landed, Perry following him.
Throughout all this affair, the latter manifested great
temper, the utmost coolness, and a zeal which was cer
tain to carry him into the scenes of danger. Commo
dore Chauncey mentioned his services honorably in his
despatches.

The Americans now had command of the Niagara,
and Chauncey profited by it to get several small vessels,
that had been bought for the service, but which still
lay at Black Rock, past the position of the enemy, and
up the current into Lake Erie. Perry superintended
this service in person, which was immensely laborious,
but was successfully performed, in little more than
a day. This was clearing the way for assembling all
the force on Lake Erie, at a single point, and he sailed
from Buffalo for Erie about the middle of June. At this

166 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

time the command of the lake was with the enemy, and it
was a great point to collect all the American vessels, in
order to make head against him. This was now done,
the enemy actually heaving in sight off their port as
the last of the Americans arrived.

The English had long maintained a naval force on
the great lakes, which was termed the provincial
marine. The vessels were employed for the general
purposes of a maritime police, for transporting troops,
and for conveying supplies. By their means the com
munications were kept up with the different military
posts of the interior, and the command of those inland
waters was, at need, effectually secured. The Ameri
cans had not imitated this policy. On the upper lakes,
however, they kept a brig, which was found almost
indispensable to convey the stores needed at the more
distant stations, and particularly in the intercourse with
the Indians in their vicinity. This brig belonged to the
war department, however, and not to the navy. For
some years previously to the war she had been com
manded by a gentleman of the name of Brevoort, who
was then an officer in the 1st Infantry. This brig was
called the Adams, and she mounted a few guns. She
had fallen into the hands of the enemy at the capture
of Michigan, had her name changed to that of Detroit,
had been cut out from under Fort Erie the previous
autumn by the Americans, and destroyed. This pro
duced the necessity of creating an entirely new force,
leaving the command of the lake with the enemy until
that object could be effected.

In the face of a thousand obstacles, Perry succeeded
in getting his vessels ready to go out by the early part

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 167

of August, though he was still greatly in want of
officers and of men, particularly of seamen. Capt.
Barclay, who commanded the enemy, lay off the port
watching him, however, and there existed a serious
obstacle in a har, which extended some distance into
the lake. To cross this har in the presence of the
English would have been extremely hazardous, when,
fortunately, the latter unexpectedly disappeared, in the
Northern hoard. It is said that Capt. Barclay had ac
cepted an invitation to dine on the Canada shore, and
that he passed over with this intention, probably
deceived by his spies as to the state of preparation of
the Americans. A reinforcement of men was certainly
expected from below, and, if acquainted with this fact,
the English officer may very well have supposed that
his opponent would wait for it.*

It was of a Sunday afternoon when Perry commenced
his movements ; a day and an hour when the measure
was probably least expected. To cross the bar, it was
necessary to lift the larger vessels on camels, and the
work required not only great labor, but much time. It
was attended with delays and embarrassments, nor
was it entirely effected before the British re-appeared.
Some distant firing between them and a few of the
American small vessels succeeded, but with little or no
damage on either side.

* The dinner is said to have been given to Barclay, on the 1st
or 2d August, 1813, by the inhabitants of a small place called
Dover. In replying to a toast, Barclay stated it was his intention
to return to Erie next day, where he should find the Yankee brigs
hard and fast on the bar, when it would be an easy matter to de
stroy them. Substantially, Perry gained the victory of the 10th
September, at the bar of Erie.

168 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

Once in the lake, incomplete as were his crews and
his equipments, Perry was decidedly superior to the
enemy, who had not yet brought their principal vessel,
the Detroit, into their squadron. Under the circum
stances, therefore, he wisely determined to bring on an
action if possible without any unnecessary delay. Get
ting under way with his vessels, he went off Long Point
in search of the enemy, but failing to find them, as they
had gone into Maiden to join their new ship, he re
turned to the anchorage off Erie. Here he received
the welcome intelligence that a party of seamen was
on its way to join him, from the lower squadron. This
reinforcement arrived a day or two later. It was under
the orders of Capt. Elliott, who had just been promoted
to the rank of master and commander.

As soon as possible after the arrival of the party
from below, the squadron sailed again in quest of the
enemy. After communicating with the army above,
and ineffectually chasing a British cruiser, it went into
Put In Bay, a haven among some islands that lie in the
vicinity of Maiden, and was favorably placed for watch
ing the enemy. The malady common to these waters
in the Fall of the year, had attacked the crew, and
Perry himself was soon include^ among those on the
doctor's list. His case was a very severe one, and to
render the matter more grave, all three of the medical
officers of the squadron were taken ill also. This was
a critical situation to be in, in the face of the enemy,
and the more especially, as the vessels were still short
of their complements. The latter difficulty, however,
was in part remedied, by receiving a hundred volun
teers from the army. While lying in this port, the

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 169

men were exercised in boats, it being Perry's intention
to make an attack on the enemy in that manner, should
the latter fail to come out. '

Early in September, Perry had so far recovered as
to quit his cabin. He now went off Maiden to recon
noitre, and to invite the British to meet him. After
maneuvering about the head of the lake for a few
days, the Americans returned to Put In Bay, on the
6th of September. It would seem Perry received an
intimation at Sandusky, that it was the enemy's inten
tion to come out and engage him, as he was short of
provisions, and felt the immediate necessity of opening
a communication with his supplies. Subsequent in
telligence has confirmed this report, and it is now
known that the battle which was fought a few days
later was actually owing to this circumstance.

As Perry now fully expected that the English would
at least attempt to force a passage toward Long Point,
he made his final preparations for a general battle. At
a meeting of some of his officers, on the evening of the
9th September, it was determined, at all events, to go
out next day, and attack the enemy at anchor, should
it be necessary. In order, however, that the reader
may have a clear idea of the forces of the respective
parties in the approaching action, as well as of their
distinctive characters, it is now necessary to give lists
of the two squadrons, from the best authorities it has
been in our power to consult. The vessels under the
command of Capt. Perry, and which were present on
the morning of the 10th of September, 1813, were as
follows ; the Ohio, Mr. Dobbins, having been sent down
the lake on duty, a few days before, viz.

VOL. II. 15

170 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

Guns. Metal.

Lawrence, Capt. Perry, 20 2 long 12s, IS 32lb. carronades.

Niagara, Capt. Elliott, 20 2 long 12s, 18 32lb. carronades.

Caledonia, Lieut. Turner, 3 2 long 24s, 1 32lb. carronade.

Ariel, Lieut. Packett, 4 4 12s.

Somers, Mr. Almy, 2 1 long 24, 1 32lb. carronade.

Porcupine, Mr. Scnatt, 1 1 long 32.

Scorpion, Mr. Champlin, 2 1 long 24, 1 32lb. carronade.

Tigress, Lieut. Conklin, 1 1 long 32.

Trippe, Lieut. Holdup, 1 1 long 32.

Total number of guns, 54*

It is proper to add, that all the guns of all the American
vessels, with the exception of those of the Lawrence
and the Niagara, were on pivots, and could be used
together. The vessels which carried them, however,
were without bulwarks, and their crews were exposed
to even musketry in a close action. Of these vessels,
the Lawrence, Niagara, and Caledonia were brigs ; the
Trippe was a sloop ; and the remainder were schooners.
The force of the British has been variously stated,
as to the metal, though all the accounts agree as to the
vessels and the number of the guns.t No American

* Mr. Dobbins, who had a large agency in equipping this force,
says, the 32 of the Trippe ought to be given to another vessel,
and a 24 substituted in its place.

t It is extremely difficult to get the exact truth in details of this
nature. With the best intentions men make mistakes, and the
historian is obliged to depend on such authority as he can get.
The foregoing has been laid before the world by the English, as
Capt. Barclay's official account of his own force. .It may have
some inaccuracies, but it is doubtless true in the mai$f, A
biography of Perry has lately appeared, written by Alexander
Slidell Mackenzie, a gentleman who is connected with the family
of the late Com. Perry, and who ought to have enjoyed great ad
vantages in collecting many of his personal facts, but the work is

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 171

statement of the English metal has ever been officially
made, but one was appended to Capt. Barclay's report
of the engagement, which should be taken as substan
tially correct, though a few of its less important details
have been questioned by some of the American officers,
but not, so far as we have been able to ascertain, on
grounds sufficient to render their own recollections
certain. The English vessels were as follows, their
force being, as stated by Capt. Barclay —

written in too partisan a spirit to be at all relied on in matters re
lating to the battle of Lake Erie. As respects the force of the two
squadrons, for instance, Capt. Mackenzie has fallen into material
mistakes even in relation to the American vessels ; or not only ia
the writer greatly misinformed, but the incidental evidence which
has appeared in the course of the controversy that has arisen from
this battle, is incorrect. Thus Capt. Mackenzie puts the force of
the Somers at "two long thirty-twos." Mack. Per. p. 228,
vol. i. Now this is contrary to the English official account, con
trary to every other American account the writer can get, and
contrary to the certificate of Mr. Nichols, who commanded the
Somers, after Mr. Almy was sent below. This officer in ex
plaining the silly story about Capt. Elliott's dodging a shot, says
— " the quarter-gunner at the 32, being about to fire," &c. This
language "would not have been used had there been two thirty-
twos. Capt. Elliott has more than once distinctly called the 32 a
carronade, in speaking of this transaction to the writer, and, as the
fact cannot affect any question connected with himself, his testi
mony is certainly go'od on such a point. Capt. Mackenzie gives
the Scorpion two long guns, whereas the writer believes she had
but one ; the Caledonia three long guns, when she had but two,
&c. &c. It is a fact which would seem to have been generally
known to the American squadron, that the third gun of the Cale
donia, a 32lb. carronade, was dismounted by its recoil, and fell into
the hatchway. Capt. Mackenzie's account of the British metal,
the writer entertains no doubt, is materially inaccurate also, while
he will not insist that the one he gives himself, from Capt. Bar
clay, is rigidly correct.

172 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

Detroit, Capt. Barclay, 19 guns ; 2 long 24a, 1 long 18 on
pivot, 6 long 12s, 8 long 9s, 1 241b. carronade, 1 18lb. do.

Queen Charlotte, Capt. Finnis, 17 guns; 1 long 12 on pivot,
2 long 9s, 14 24Ib. carronades.

Lady Prevost, Lieut. Buchan, 13 guns ; 1 long 9 on pivot, 2
long 6s, 10 12lb. carronades.

Hunter, Lieut. Bignall, 10 guns ; 4 long 6s, 2 long 4s, 2 long
2s, 2 12lb. carronades.

Little Belt, 3 guns ; 1 long 12 on pivot, 2 long 6s.

Chippewa, Mr. Campbell, 1 long 9 on pivot.

Total number of guns, 63.

On the morning of the 10th September, the British
squadron was seen in the offing, and the American
vessels got under way, and went out to meet it. The
wind, at first, was unfavorable, but so determined was
Perry to engage, that he decided to give the enemy the
weather-gage, a very important advantage with the
armament he possessed, should it become necessary.
A shift of wind, however, brought him out into the
lake to windward, and left him every prospect of en
gaging in a manner more desirable to himself.

The enemy had hove-to, on the larboard tack, in a
compact line ahead, with the wind at south-east. This
brought his vessels' heads nearly, or quite, as high as
S. S. West. He had placed the Chippewa in his van,
with the Detroit, Barclay's own vessel, next to her.
Then followed the Hunter, Queen Charlotte, Lady
Prevost, and Little Belt, in the manner named. Perry
had issued his order of battle some time previously, but
finding that the enemy did not form his line as he had
anticipated, he determined to make a corresponding
change in his own plan. Originally, it had been in
tended that the Niagara should lead the American line,
in the expectation that the Glueen Charlotte would lead

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 173

that of the English ; but finding the Detroit ahead of
the latter vessel, it became necessary to place the Law
rence ahead of the Niagara, in order to bring the two
commanding vessels fairly along side of each other.
As there was an essential difference of force between
the two English ships, the Detroit being a vessel at
least a fourth larger and every way heavier than the
Queen Charlotte, this prompt decision to stick to his
own chosen adversary is strongly indicative of the
chivalry of Perry's character, for many an officer would
not have thought this accidental change on the part of
his enemy a sufficient reason for changing his own
order of battle on the eve of engaging. Calling the
leading vessels near him, however, and learning from
Capt. Brevoort, of the army, and late of the brig
Adams, who was then serving on board the Niagara
as a marine officer, the names of the different British
vessels, Capt. Perry communicated his orders for the
Lawrence and Niagara to change places in the con
templated line, a departure from his former plan which
would bring him more fairly abreast of the Detroit.

At this moment, the Lawrence, Niagara, Caledonia,
Ariel and Scorpion were all up, and near each other,
but the Trippe, Tigress, Somers and Porcupine were
still a considerable distance astern. All of the last named
craft but the Porcupine had been merchant vessels,
purchased into the service and strengthened ; alter
ations that were necessary to enable them to bear their
metal, but which were not likely to improve whatever
sailing qualities they might possess.

It was now past ten, and the leading vessels ma
neuvered to get into their stations, in obedience to the
15*

174 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

orders just received. This brought the Scorpion a
short distance ahead, and to windward of the Law
rence, and the Ariel a little more on that brig's wea
ther bow, but in advance. Then came the Lawrence
herself, leading the main line, the two schooners just
mentioned being directed to keep to windward of her ;
the Caledonia, the Niagara, the Tigress, the Somers,
the Porcupine and the Trippe. The prescribed dis
tance that was to be maintained between the different
vessels was half a cable's length.

The Americans were now astern and to windward
of their enemies, the latter still lying gallantly with
their topsails aback, in waiting for them to come down.
Perry brought the wind abeam, in the Lawrence, and
edged away for a position abreast of the Detroit, the
Caledonia and Niagara following in their stations.
The two schooners ahead were also well placed,
though the Ariel appears to have soon got more on
the Lawrence's beam than the order of battle had di
rected. All these vessels, however, were in as good
order as circumstances allowed, and Perry determined
to close, without waiting for the four gun-vessels astern
to come up.

The wind had been light and variable throughout
the early part of the morning, and it still continued
light, though sufficiently steady. It is stated to have
been about a two-knot breeze when the American van
bore up to engage. As they must have been fully two
miles from the enemy at this time, it, of course, would
have required an hour to have brought them up fairly
along side of the British vessels, most of the way under
fire. The Lawrence was yet a long distance from the

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 175

English when the Detroit threw a twenty-four pound
shot at her. When this gun was fired, the weight of
the direct testimony that has appeared in the case, and
the attendant circumstances, would show that the inter
val between the heads of the two lines was nearer two
than one mile. Perry now showed his signal to en
gage, as the vessels came up, each against her de
signated opponent, in the prescribed order of battle.
The object of this signal was to direct the different
commanders to engage as soon as they could do so
with effect ; to preserve their stations in the line ; and
to direct their fire at such particular vessels of the
British as had been pointed out to them severally
in previous orders. Soon after an order was passed
astern, by trumpet, for the different vessels to close up
to the prescribed distance of half a cable's length from
each other. This was the last order that Perry issued
that day from the Lawrence to any vessel of the fleet,
his own brig excepted. It was intended principally
for the schooners in the rear, most of which were still
a considerable distance astern. The Caledonia and
Niagara were accurately in their stations, and at long
gun-shot from the enemy. A deliberate fire now
opened on the part of the enemy, which was returned
from the long gun of the Scorpion, and soon after from
the long guns of the other leading American vessels,
though not with much apparent effect on either side.
The first gun is stated to have been fired at a quarter
before twelve. About noon, finding that the Lawrence
was beginning to suffer, Perry ordered her carronades
to be tried, but it was found that the brig was still too
distant for the shot to tell. He now set his top-gallant-

176 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

sail and edged away more for the enemy, suffering
considerably from the fire of the long guns of the De
troit in particular.

The Caledonia, the Lawrence's second astern, was
a prize brig, that had been built for burden, rather than
for sailing, having originally been in the employment
of the Northwest Company. Although her gallant
commander, Lieut. Turner, pressed down with her as
fast as he could, the Lawrence reached ahead of her
some distance, and consequently became the principal
object of the British fire ; which she was, as yet, un
able to return with more than her two long twelves; the
larboard bow gun having been shifted over for that pur
pose. The Scorpion, Ariel, Caledonia and Niagara,
however, were now firing with their long guns, also,
carronades being still next to useless. The latter brig,
though under short canvas, was kept in her station
astern of the Caledonia, only by watching her sails,
occasionally bracing her main-topsail sharp aback, in
order to prevent running into her second ahead. As
the incidents of this battle have led to a painful and pro
tracted controversy, which no biographical notice of
Perry can altogether overlook, it may be well to add,
here, that the facts just stated are proved by testimony
that has never been questioned, and that they appear
to us to relate to the only circumstance in the manage
ment of the Niagara, on the 10th of September, that is
at all worthy of the consideration of an intelligent critic.
At the proper moment, this circumstance shall receive
our comments.

It will be remembered that each of the American ves
sels had received an order to direct her fire at a particular

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 177

adversary in the British line. This was done to prevent
confusion, and was the more necessary, as the Americans
had nine vessels to the enemy's six. On the other hand,
the English, waiting the attack, had to take such oppo
nents as offered. In consequence of these orders, the
Niagara, which brig had also shifted over a long twelve,
directed the fire of her two chase-guns at the Queen
Charlotte, and the Caledonia engaged the Hunter, the
vessel pointed out to her for that purpose ; leaving the
Lawrence, supported by the Ariel and Scorpion, to sus
tain the cannonading of the Detroit, supported by the
Chippewa, as well as to bear the available fire of all the
vessels in the stern of the English line, as, in leading
down, she passed ahead to her station abreast of her
proper adversary. Making a comparison of the aggre
gate batteries of the five vessels thus engaged at long
shot, or before carronades were fully available, we get
on the part of the Americans, one 24 and six 12s, or
seven guns in all, to oppose to one 24, one 18, three
12s, and five 9 pounders, all long guns. This is esti
mating all the known available long guns of the Ariel,
Scorpion and Lawrence, and the batteries of the Chip
pewa and the Detroit, as given by Capt. Barclay, in his
published official letter, which, as respects these vessels,
is probably minutely accurate ; though it is proper to
add that an American officer, who subsequently had
good opportunities for knowing the fact, thinks that the
Chippewa's gun was a 12 pounder. Although the dis
parity between 7 and 10 guns is material, as is the dif
ference between 96 and 123lbs. of metal, they do not
seem sufficient to account for the great disparity of the
injury that was sustained by the Lawrence, more espe-

178 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

cially in the commencement of the action. We are
left, then, to look for the explanation in some additional
causes.

It is known that one of the Ariel's 12s burst early in
the day. This would at once bring the comparison of
the guns and metal, as between the five leading vessels,
down to 6 to 10 of the first, and 84 to 123 of the last.
But we have seen that both the Lawrence and Niagara
shifted each a larboard bow-gun over to the starboard
side, a course that almost any commander would be
likely to adopt under the circumstances of the action.
It is not probable that the Detroit, commencing her fire
at so great a distance, with the certainty that it must be
some time before her enemy could get within reach of
his short guns, neglected to bring her most available
pieces into battery also. Admitting this to have been
done, there would be a very different result in the
figures. The Detroit fought ten guns in broadside, and
she had an armament that would permit her to bring to
bear on the Lawrence, at one time, two 24s, one 18, six
12s and one 9 pounder. This would leave the compa
rison between the guns as 6 are to 11, and between the
metal as 84 are to 147. Nor is this all. The Hunter
lay close to the Detroit, and as the vessel which assailed
her was still at long shot, it is probable that she also
brought the heaviest of her guns into broadside, and
used them against the nearest vessel ; more particularly
as her guns were light, and would be much the most
useful in such a mode of firing.

But other circumstances conspired to sacrifice the
Lawrence. Finding that he was suffering heavily,
and that he had got nearly abreast of the Detroit, Perry

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 179

failed his topgallant-sail, hauled up his fore-sail, and
rounded to, opening with his carronades. The distance
from the enemy at which this was done, as well as the
length of time after the commencement of the fire, have
given rise to contradictoiy statements. The distance,
Perry himself, in his official letter, says was " within
canister-shot," a term too vague to give any accurate
notion that can be used in a critical analysis of the facts
of the engagement. A canister-shot, thrown from a
heavy gun, would probably kill at a mile ; though sea
men are not apt to apply the term to so great a range.
Still they use all such phrases as " yard-arm and yard-
arm," "musket-shot," "canister-shot," and "pistol-
shot," very vaguely ; one applying a term to a distance
twice as great as would be understood by another. The
distance from the English line, at which the Lawrence
backed her topsail, has been placed by some as far as
half a mile, and by others as near as 300 yards. It
was probably between the two, nearer to the last than
to the first ; though the brig, as she became crippled
aloft, and so long as there was any wind, must have
been slowly drifting nearer to her enemies.

On the supposition that there was a two-knot breeze
the whole time, that the action commenced when the
Lawrence was a mile and a half from the enemy, and
that she went within a quarter of a mile of the British
line, she could not have backed her topsail until after
she had been under fire considerably more than a half
an hour. This \vas a period quite sufficient to cause
her to suffer heavily, under the peculiar circumstances
of the case.

The effect of a cannonade is always to deaden, or

180 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

even "to kill," as it is technically termed by seamen, a
light wind. Counteracting forces neutralize each other,
and the constant explosions from guns repel the currents
of the atmosphere. This difficulty came to increase
the critical nature of the Lawrence's situation, the wind
falling to something very near, if not absolutely to a flat
calm. This fact, which- is material to a right under
standing of the events of the day, is unanswerably shown
in the following manner.

The fact that the gun-boats had been kept astern by
the lightness of the Avind, is mentioned by Perry, him
self, in his official account of the battle. He also says,
" at half past two, the wind springing up, Capt. Elliott
was enabled to bring his vessel, the Niagara, gallantly
into close action," leaving the unavoidable inference
that a want of wind prevailed at an earlier period of the
engagement. Several officers testify that it fell nearly
calm, while no one denies it. One officer says it be
came "perfectly calm," and others go near to substan
tiate the statement. There is a physical fact, however,
that disposes of this point more satisfactorily than can
ever be done by the power of memories or the value of
opinions. Both Perry and his sailing-master say that
the Lawrence was perfectly unmanageable for a consi
derable time. This period, a rigid construction of Per
ry's language would make two hours ; and by the most
liberal that can be given to that of the master, must have
been considerably more than one hour. It is physi
cally impossible that an unmanageable vessel, with her
sails loose, should not drift half a mile, in an hour,
had there been only a two-knot breeze. The want of
this drift, which would have carried the Lawrence

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 181

directly down into the English line, had it existed,
effectually shows, then, that there must have been a
considerable period of the action in which there was
little or no wind, and corroborates the direct testimony
that has been given on this point.*

* In the battle of Plattsburg Bay, which took place the succeed
ing year, the wind was so light and baffling, that the British an
chored before they got as close as they had intended to go. Still,
one of their vessels, the Chubb, was crippled, and she drifted into
the American line, in the first half hour of the engagement. The
distance this vessel actually drifted, under such circumstances, was
about as far as that at which Perry engaged the enemy, proving
that the latter must also have drifted an equal distance, after he
was disabled, had there been any wind. The Chubb, too, was a
fore-and-aft vessel, a species of craft that would not have the drift
of a square-rigged brig, as her sails would be, and probably were,
lowered ; nor would they hold as much wind. It is true that the
English on Lake Erie were not anchored, as was the case with the
Americans on Lake Champlain; but a vessel hove-to in smooth
water, would not have half the drift of one that was all abroad,
and the difference, as a principle, would be only one of time. If
the Chubb drifted a quarter of a mile in half an hour, the Law
rence should have drifted twice that distance in twice that time.
She should have drifted farther, being of light draught of water,
and having the most top-hamper. Again. The drift of a vessel
in the situation of the Lawrence would have been astern and to
leeward, while that of vessels hove-to would have been ahead and
to leeward. On the supposition that there was any wind, these
last facts would effectually have prevented the Lawrence from re
maining abeam of her enemies two whole hours, as is admitted to
have been the case. In our former edition we did not advert to
the circumstance of McDonough's being anchored, simply because
we believed, with Marshall, that "a Chief Justice of the United
States might be presumed to know something." We never in
tended to say that Perry would have reached the English line as
soon as the Chubb reached the American, but that he must have
reached it during the battle ; meaning the rear of that line. The
Chubb was probably in the American line within ten minutes after
VOL. II. 16

182 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

Previously, however, to its falling calm, or nearly so,
and about the time the Lawrence backed her topsail, a
change occurred in the British line. The Queen Char
lotte had an armament of three long guns, the heaviest
of which is stated by Capt. Barclay to have been a 12
pounder, on a pivot, and fourteen 24lb. carronades.
The latter guns were shorter than common, and, of
course, were useless when the ordinary American 321b.
guns of this class could not be served. For some rea
son, which has not been quite satisfactorily explained,
this ship shifted her berth, after the engagement had
lasted some time, filling her topsail, passing the Hunter,
and closing with the Detroit, under her lee. Shortly
after, however, she regained the line, directly astern of
the commanding British vessel. The enemy's line
being in very compact order, and the distance but

she became unmanageable, having been in our possession within
the first half hour of the battle.

Capt. Pring, in his official account of this battle, excuses his not
cutting the brig Linnet's cable, after the Confiance had struck, and
endeavoring to escape, on the ground that his vessel was crippled,
and that had he done so she would have drifted directly into the
American line. "The result of doing so, (cutting the cable,)
must," he says, " in a few minutes, have been her drifting alongside
of the enemy's vessels close under our lee." The distance was
about two cables' length, or 480 yards; 440 yards being a quarter
of a mile. Those who believe that Perry engaged the enemy at a
less distance than this, increase the probability of his drifting into
the British line, had there been any wind. The fact that he did
not, is conclusive on the subject of the wind. It should also be
remembered that Perry, in saying that the Lawrence \vas disabled,
does not in the least speak figuratively, but literally. His words
are, " every brace and bowline being shot away, she became unma
nageable, notwithstanding the great exertions of the sailing -mas
ter" A square -rigged vessel, without a brace or bowline, is per
fectly unmanageable, as a matter of course.

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 183

trifling, the Queen" Charlotte was enabled to effect this
in a few minutes, there still being a little wind. The
Detroit probably drew ahead to enable her to regain a
proper position.

This evolution on the part of the Queen Charlotte
has been differently accounted for. At the time it was
made the Niagara was engaging her sufficiently near
to do execution with her long twelves, and, at the mo
ment, it was the opinion on board that brig, that she had
driven her opponent out of the line. As the Queen
Charlotte opened on the Lawrence with her carronades,
as soon as she got into her new position, a more plausi
ble motive was that she had shifted her berth, in order
to bring her short guns into efficient use. The letter
of Capt. Barclay, however, gives a more probable solu
tion to this manoeuvre, than either of the foregoing con
jectures. He says that Capt. Finnis, of the Queen
Charlotte, was killed soon after the commencement of
the action, and that her first lieutenant was shortly after
struck senseless by a splinter. These two casualties
threw the command of the vessel on a provincial officer
of the name of Irvine. This part of Capt. Barclay's
letter is not English, and has doubtless been altered a
little in printing. Enough remains, however, to show,
that he attaches to the loss of the two officers mentioned,
serious consequences ; and in a connection that alludes
to this change of position, since he speaks of the pros
pect of its leaving him the Niagara also to engage.
From the fact that the Queen Charlotte first went under
the lee of the Detroit, so close as io induce the Ameri
cans to think she was foul of the quarter of that ship, a
position into which she never would have been carried

184 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

had the motive been merely to get nearer to the Law
rence, or farther from the Niagara, we infer that the
provincial officer, finding himself unexpectedly in his
novel situation, went so near to the Detroit to report his
casualties and to ask for orders, and that he regained
the line in obedience to instructions from Capt. Barclay
in person.

Whatever was the motive for changing the Queen
Charlotte's position in the British line, the effect on the
Lawrence was the same. Her fire was added to that
of the Detroit, which ship appeared to direct all her
guns at the leading American brig, alone. Indeed,
there, was a period in this part of the action, during
which most, if not all of the guns of the Detroit, the
Queen Charlotte, and Hunter, were aimed at this one
vessel. Perry appears to have been of opinion that it
was a premeditated plan, on the part of the enemy, to
destroy the commanding American vessel. It is true,
that the Ariel, Scorpion, Caledonia and Niagara, from
a fe\v minutes after the commencement of the action,
were firing at the English ships, but that the latter dis
regarded them, in*the main, would appear from the
little loss the three small American vessels sustained,
in particular. The Caledonia and Niagara, moreover,
were still too distant to render their assistance of much
effect. About this time, however, the gun-boats astern
got near enough to use their heavy guns, though most
of them were yet a long way off. The Somers would
seem to have engaged a short time before the others.

. At length, Capt. Elliott finding himself kept astern
by the bad sailing of the Caledonia, and his own brig
so near as again to be under the necessity of bracing

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 185

her topsail aback, to prevent going into her, determined
to assume the responsibility of changing the line of
battle, and to pass the Caledonia. He accordingly
hailed the latter, and directed that brig to put her helm
up and let the Niagara pass ahead. As this order was
obeyed, the Niagara filled and drew slowly head, con
tinuing to approach the Lawrence as fast as the air
would allow. This change did not take place, however,
until the Lawrence had suffered so heavily as to render
her substantially a beaten ship.

The evidence that has been given on the details is
so contradictory and confused, as to render it exceed
ingly difficult to say whether the comparative calm of
which we have spoken occurred before or after this
change in the relative positions of the Lawrence and
Caledonia. Some wind there must have been, at this
time, or the Niagara could not have passed. As the
wind had been light and baffling most of the day, it is
even probable that there may have been intervals in it,
to reconcile in some measure these apparent contradic
tions, and which will explain the inconsistencies.
After the Niagara had passed her second ahead, to do
which she had made sail, she continued to approach
the Lawrence in a greater or less degree of movement,
as there may have been more or less wind, until she
had got near enough to the heavier vessels of the enemy
to open on them with her carronades ; always keeping
in the Lawrence's wake. The Caledonia, having pivot
guns, and being now nearly or quite abeam of the
Hunter, the vessel she had been directed to engage,
kept off more, and was slowly drawing nearer to the
enemy's line. The gun-vessels astern were closing, too,
16*

186 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

though not in any order, using their sweeps, and
throwing the shot of their long heavy guns, principally
32 pounders, quite to the head of the British line ; be
ginning to tell effectually in the combat.

As the wind was so light, and the movements of all
the vessels had been so slow, much time was consumed
in these several changes. The Lawrence had now
been under fire more than two hours, and, being almost
the sole aim of the headmost English ships, she was
dismantled. Her decks were covered with killed and
wounded, and every gun but one in her starboard bat
tery was dismounted, either by shot or its own recoil.
At this moment, or at about half-past two, agreeably to
Perry's official letter, the wind sprang up and produced
a general change among the vessels. One of its first
effects was to set the Lawrence, perfectly unmanageable
as she was, astern and to leeward, or to cause her to
drop, as it has been described by Capt. Barclay, while
the enemy appear to have filled, and to commence
drawing ahead. The Lady Prevost, which had been
in the rear of the British line, passed to leeward and
ahead, under the published plea of having had her
rudder injured, but probably suffering from the heavy
metal of the American gun-vessels as they came nearer.
An intention existed on the part of Capt. Barclay to get
his vessels round, in order to bring fresh broadsides to
bear. The larboard battery of the Detroit by this time
was nearly useless, many of the guns having lost even
their trucks, and, as usually happens in a long cannon
ade, the pieces that had been used were getting to be
unserviceable, from one cause or another.

At this moment the Niagara passed the Lawrence

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 187

to windward, and then kept off toward the head of the
enemy's line, which was slowly drawing more toward
the Southward and Westward. In order to do this,
she set topgallant-sails and brought the wind abaft the
beam. The Caledonia also followed the enemy , passing
inside the Lawrence, having got nearer to the enemy,
at that moment, than any other American vessel. As
soon as Perry perceived that his own brig was dropping,
and that the battle was passing ahead of him, he got
into a boat, taking with him a young brother, a mid
shipman of the Lawrence, and pulled after the Niagara,
then a short distance ahead of him. When he reached
the latter brig, he found her from three to five hundred
yards to windward of the principal force of the enemy,
and nearly abreast of the Detroit, that ship, the Q,ueen
Charlotte and the Lady Prevost being now quite near
each other, and probably two cables' length to the
Southward and Westward ; or that distance nearly
ahead of the Lawrence, and about as far from the
enemy's line as, the latter brig had been lying for the
last hour. .

Perry now had a few words of explanation with
Capt. Elliott, when the latter officer volunteered to go
in the boat, and bring down the gun-vesseJs, which
were still astern, and a good deal scattered. As this
was doing precisely what Perry wished, Capt. Elliott
proceeded on his duty immediately, leaving his own
brig, to which he did not return until after the engage
ment had terminated. Perry now backed the main-top
sail of the Niagara, being fairly abeam of his enemy,
and showed the signal for close action. After waiting
a few minutes for the different vessels to answer and to

188 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

close, the latter of which they were now doing fast as
the wind continued to increase, he bore up, bringing
the wind on the starboard quarter of the Niagara, and
stood down upon the enemy, passing directly through
his line. Capt. Barclay, with a view of getting his
fresh broadsides to bear, was in the act of attempting to
ware, as the Niagara approached, but his vessel being
much crippled aloft, and the Queen Charlotte being
badly handled, the latter ship got foul of the Detroit, on
her starboard quarter. At this critical instant, the Nia
gara had passed the commanding British vessel's bow,
and coming to the wind on the starboard tack, lay
raking the two ships of the enemy, at close quarters,
and with fatal effect. By this1 time, the gun-vessels,
under Capt. Elliott, had closed to windward of the
enemy, the Caledonia in company, and the raking
cross-fire soon compelled the English to haul down
their colors. The Detroit, Queen Charlotte, Lady
Prevost and Hunter struck under this fire, being in the
melee of vessels ; but the Chippewa ,and Little Belt
made sail and endeavored to escape to leeward. They
were followed by the Scorpion and Trippe, which ves
sels came up with them in about an hour, and firing a
shot or two into them, they both submitted. The Law
rence had struck her flag also, soon after Perry quitted
her.

Such, in its outline, appears to have been the picture
presented by a battle that has given rise to more con
troversy than all the other naval combats of the republic
united. We are quite aware that by rejecting all the
testimony that has been given on one side of the dis
puted points, and by exaggerating and mutilating that

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 189

which has heen given on the other, a different repre
sentation might be made of some of the incidents ; but,
on comparing one portion of the evidence with another,
selecting in all instances that which in the nature of
things should be best, and bringing the whole within
the laws of physics and probabilities, we believe that
no other result, in the main, can be reached, than the
one which has been given. To return more particularly
to our subject.

Perry had manifested the best spirit, and the mosl
indomitable resolution not to be overcome, throughout
the trying scenes of this eventful day. Just before the
action commenced, he coolly prepared his public letters,
to be thrown overboard in the event of misfortune,
glanced his eyes over those which he had received from
his wife, and then tore them. He appeared fully sen
sible of the magnitude of the stake which was at issue,
remarking to one of his officers, who possessed his con
fidence, that this day was the most important of his
life. In a word, it was not possible for a commander
to go into action in a better frame of mind, and his con
duct in this particular might well serve for an example
to all who find themselves similarly circumstanced.
The possibility of defeat appears not to have been lost
sight of, but it in no degree impaired the determination
to contend for victory. The situation of the Lawrence
was most critical, the slaughter on board her being
terrible, and yet no man read discouragement in his
countenance. The survivors all unite in saying that
he did not manifest even the anxiety he must have
felt at the ominous appearance of things. The Law
rence was effectually a beaten ship an hour before she

190 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

struck ; but Perry felt the vast importance of keeping
the colors of the commanding vessel flying to the last
moment ; and the instant an opportunity presented
itself to redeem the seemingly waning fortunes of the
day, he seized it with promptitude, carrying off the
victory not only in triumph, but apparently against all
the accidents and chances which, for a time, menaced
him with defeat.

Perry appears seriously to have satisfied himself
that he captured a materially superior force in the battle
of Lake Erie. If any reliance is to be placed on the
published report of Capt. Barclay, this is certainly an
error; and, we may add, that the better opinion of
those naval men who have had proper opportunities
for ascertaining the fact, is also against it. In the men
of the two squadrons, there was probably no essential
disparity ; although there are reasons for thinking
that the English a little outnumbered the Americans.
Neither side had many above or under five hundred
souls engaged in this action. But the sick lists of the
Americans amounted to more than a hundred. As
Capt. Barclay came out expressly to fight, expecting
to meet his enemy the next day, and he had received
aboard his vessels a strong party of troops, it is not
probable he brought out any sick with him. It is in
confirmation of this opinion, that, while the enemy
dwell on their inferiority of force, and the other dis
advantages under which they supposed themselves to
labor, nothing is said of any sick. This fact would
make a material difference as respects the men, even
allowing the opposing parties to have been equal,
numerically.

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 191

In vessels the Americans were to the English as
nine are to six. This might have been a disadvantage,
however, and in one sense it was, by distributing the
force unequally at the commencement of the battle.
Still, as the two largest American brigs were essentially
heavier than the two heaviest British vessels, and the
Ariel was a schooner of some size, this circumstance
would have been more than balanced by their weight,
could these three vessels have got into close action
simultaneously, and soon ; or before the enemy had an
opportunity to cripple one of them in detail.

The opinion of Perry, and, we may add, that of the
country, concerning the superiority of the enemy in
this battle, appear to have been founde'd principally on
the circumstance that the English had the most guns.
A mere numerical superiority in guns is altogether
fallacious. A single long 32 pounder, for most of the
purposes of nautical warfare, would be more efficient
than thirty -two 1 pounders ; the sizes of the guns
being quite as important as the number. There can
be little question that a vessel, always supposing her
to be of a size suitable to bear the metal, Avhich carried
twenty 32 pounders, would be fully a match for two
similar ships that carried each twenty 12 pounders ;
or, perhaps, for two that carried each twenty 18 pound
ers ; the guns being long or short alike. As the latter,
however, was not the fact in the battle of Lake Erie,
the Detroit carrying long guns, principally, while the
two heaviest American brigs carried carronades, the
comparative estimates of force become complicated in a
way that does not altogether refer to weight of shot.
The superiority of the long gun depends, first, on its

192 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

greater range, and the greater momentum of the shot,
pound for pound ; second, from the circumstance that
the long ship-gun will almost always bear two, and
sometimes three shot ; whereas the carronade is in
danger of dismounting itsejf by the recoil, if over
charged, and of so far lessening the momentum of its
shot as to prevent them from penetrating a vessel's
side ;* and, thirdly, because the long gun will sustain
a protracted cannonade, while a short gun is seldom of
much efficiency after an hour's service. There can be
no question that the Lawrence and Niagara would have
been an overmatch for the Detroit and Queen Charlotte

* In this battle the Detroit's side was full of shot that did not
penetrate. By some it was supposed that the American powder
was bad ; but, it is far more probable that the distance at which
the Lawrence engaged at first, and over-shotting her carronades,
were the true reasons the English escaped so well for the first hour
or two. This fact is now asserted, on direct testimony. Hfcr.
Dobbins, an officer of experience who served on the Lake, but
who was not in this battle, having joined the squadron from dis
tant service, a day or two after its occurrence, writes as follows : —
" A day or two after the action I was on board the Detroit, and
in company with Lieut. Rolette of the British service, and late of
that ship, with whom I was well acquainted previous to the war,
and shown by him the division he had charge of, and had from
him an explanation and account of the action. There was one
thing he remarked, which I have never seen mentioned in any ac
count of that affair. He said that the* ship (the Detroit) received
more damage in her hull from the long guns, more particularly
the long 32s of the gun-boats, than from all the rest put together ;
and that the carronades, particularly of the Lawrence, must have
been much over-shotted, as the shot from them would frequently
strike the side of the ship, and rebound into the water. In fact, I
was told by some of those who were on board of her, (Lawrence,)
that they invariably put in, first, a round shot, and then a stand of
both grape and canister, and sometimes a bag of langrage besides.'

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 19$

in close action, and when we come to see the great dis
parity of the metal of the remaining vessels, it can leave
no doubt that the Americans possessed the strongest
force on this occasion, comparing the two squadrons in
the aggregate. A very brief analysis will prove the
justice of this position.

The American vessels, in the battle of Lake Erie,
carried 54 guns, while the English had 63. This
makes a numerical superiority of 9 guns, and on this
vague fallacy the victory has been assumed to have
been one of an inferior over a superior force. In the
combat between the Constellation and J'Insurgente, the
latter vessel mounted 40 guns, and the former only 38.
There was also a difference of a hundred men, in favor
of the French ship. But the Constellation's gun-deck
metal was long 24s, while that of Plnsurgente was
French 12s ; leaving the former an essential superior
ity of force that no intelligent seaman has ever denied.
In the action we are examining, the Hunter mounted
10 guns, and the Caledonia 3. Thus, numerically
speaking, the former vessel was of more than treble
the force of the latter. But a critical analysis of the
metal, and of the armaments, will give a very different
result. In the first place, the Caledonia's guns were
on pivots, which gaveJier 3 guns in broadside, whereas
the Hunter could fignT but 5 at any one time, and under
any circumstances. This fact alone reduces the nu
merical superiority of the British vessel from more than
treble to less than double. Then comes the consider
ation of the metal. Agreeably to Capt. Barclay's re
turn of the force of his vessels, which is appended to
his official account of the battle, the regular broadside

VOL. II. 17

194 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

metal of the Hunter was only 301bs., and this, too, dis
tributed in shot, of which some were so small as 2, 4,
and Gibs, each ; while the Caledonia threw 80lbs. of
metal at a discharge, in 24 and 32lb. shot. On the
other hand, however, the Hunter had quarters, or
bulwarks, which make a protection against small mis
siles.

There is another circumstance to prove the fallacy
of placing the superiority of force on a naked numerical
superiority in guns. Including the pivot guns, and the
regular armament of the British on the 10th September,
they fought 34 guns at a time, or Avhat may be termed
in broadside ; while the Americans, owing to their hav
ing more traversing pieces mounted, fought precisely
the same number, though of much heavier metal. This
fact at once reduces the apparent comparative force of
the two squadrons in guns, or from that of 54 to 63, to
a numerical equality ; or, to that of 34 to 34.

But the fortunes of a battle are not to be estimated
solely by the physical forces employed by the opposing
parties. Circumstances constantly occur to neutralize
these advantages, and to render the chances nearer
equal. The assailant has frequently more to contend
with than the assailed, and it is obvious that the force
which cannot be used is, for the ^purposes of that par
ticular occasion, as if it did not emst. While, therefore,
there can be little doubt that the American squadron, in
the battle on Lake Erie, was much superior to the Brit
ish squadron as a whole, there were circumstances to aid
the enemy which produced far more of a real than
there was of an apparent equality. As respects Perry,
himself, he certainly, in his own brig, contended against

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 195

a vastly superior force, owing to the dispersed state of
his vessels, in part, though quite as much, probably, to
the determination of the enemy to concentrate their fire
on the American commanding vessel until they had de
stroyed her. The latter circumstance will account for
many of the seeming anomalies of this day. Thus the
Ariel and Scorpion, though engaged from the first, suf
fered comparatively but little ; as did the Caledonia.
All these vessels were under fire from an early period
in the action, and it is in direct proof that a shot passed
through the wails of both sides of the latter vessel,
within a short time after the battle commenced.

The slaughter on board the Lawrence was terrible.
Mr. Yarnall, her first lieutenant, testified before a Court
of Inquiry, in 1815, that the Lawrence had on board of
her " 131 men and boys of every description, of which
103 were fit for duty." Of this number 22 were killed,
and 63 were wounded. The loss of the Niagara, also,
would have been deemed heavy but for this carnage on
board the Lawrence. By the report of Perry, himself,
she had 2 killed and 25 wounded. Her own surgeon,
however, says that this report was inaccurate, the
slightly wounded having been omitted. He also says
that there were five men killed. The discrepancy is
to be accounted for by -the circumstances that after the
action, the men were much scattered in the prizes,
the Niagara furnishing most of their crews, and that
her own medical officer had no agency in drawing up
the report. Thus the number of the dangerously and
severely wounded the latter states to have been accu
rately given, while those of the slain and slightly
wounded were not. These are facts which it is diffi-

196 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

cult to authenticate, at this late day, though there are
circumstances which go to render the accuracy of this
correction of the official report probable, if not certain.
In a squadron which now numbered fifteen sail, with
broken crews, few officers to report, and some' of those
few wounded or ill, and with men dying of disease
daily, mistakes of this nature might readily occur.
The other vessels did not suffer heavily, and the Brit
ish, as a whole, lost about as many men as the Ameri
cans.

While the nation was disposed to overlook every
thing connected with this battle, in the result, Perry
did not escape criticism for the manner in which he
engaged the enemy. It was said that he ought to
have waited until his line had become compact, and
covered the approach of his two principal brigs, by the
fire of the heavy long guns of the smaller vessels.
This is probably still the opinion of many distinguished
seamen. i<t ^ f{/;(

It is certain that by placing the schooners of the
American squadron in the advance, it would have
been possible to open on the enemy with as many long
guns as he possessed himself, and guns of much
heavier metal ; but grave questions of this nature are
not to be so lightly determined, as this admission may
seem to infer. There was the experience of the war
fare on Lake Ontario to induce Perry to suppose that
a similar policy might be resorted to on Lake Erie.
The English sailed better in squadron than the Ameri
cans, on both lakes, and having the same object in
view, the commander on Lake Erie had every rea
son to suppose that they would retire before him, as

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 197

soon as a general action became probable, and thus
postpone, or altogether avoid the desired conflict for
the command of those waters. The distances being so
small, nothing was easier than to carry out this policy.
Even allowing Perry to have sent his heavily armed
schooners in advance, and to have approached himself
under cover of their fire, there can scarcely be a doubt
that Barclay would have wore round, and changed the
order of formation, by bringing them, again, into the
rear of the American line ; an evolution that would
have been easy of accomplishment, with his superiority
of sailing.

Had the wind stood, or even had not the enemy hit
upon the plan of directing most of their fire against the
Lawrence, the victory of Lake Erie, now so complete
in its results, would have had no drawbacks. But,
with the high ends he kept in view, the importance of
securing the command of the lake, and the moral cer
tainty of success could he close with his enemy, Perry
would scarcely have been justified in delaying the
attack, on the plea that the lightness of the wind en
dangered any particular vessel of his command. Now
that the battle is over, it is doubtless easy to perceive
in what manner it might have been better fought, but
this is a remark that will probably apply to all human
actions.

His victory at once raised Perry from comparative
obscurity to a high degree of renown before the nation.
With the navy he had always stood well, but neither
his rank nor his services had given him an opportunity
of becoming known to the world. The important results
that attended his success, the completeness of that sue-
17*

198 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

cess, the number of vessels captured at the same time,
and the novelty of a victory in squadron over the Eng
lish, all contributed to shed more than an ordinary de
gree of renown on this event ; and, by necessary con
nection, on the youthful conqueror of that day. His
own great personal exertions, too, gave a romantic cha
racter to his success, and disposed the public mind to
regard it with an unusual degree of interest. The
government granted gold medals to Perry and his
second in command, and the former was promoted to be
a captain, his commission being dated on the 10th
September, 1813.

His triumph on the water did not satisfy Perry.
After co-operating with the army, by assisting in re
gaining possession of Detroit, and in transporting the
troops, he joined the land forces, under General Harri
son, in person, and was present at the Battle of the
Moravian Towns. In all this service, he was as active
as his peculiar situation would allow, and there can be
little doubt that the presence of a gallant young sailor,
flushed with victory and ever foremost on the march,
was cheering to the army which then pressed on the
rear of the enemy. After the surrender of the British
troops, Perry issued, conjointly with Harrison, a pro
clamation to the people of the portion of Upper Canada
that had fallen into the hands of the republic, pointing
out the usual conditions for their government and sub
mission. It is worthy of remark that this was the first
instance in which any American naval officer was ever
in a situation to perform a similar act.

Shortly after, the end of the season being at hand,
Perry gave up his command. As he returned to the

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 199

older parts of the country, his journey was a species
of triumph, in which warm, spontaneous feeling,
however, rather than studied exhibition predominated.

Perry's victory did not prove altogether barren, in
another sense, though his pecuniary benefits were cer
tainly out of proportion small, as compared with the
political benefits it conferred on the country. There
was properly no broad pennant on Lake Erie, in either
squadron, Com. Chauncey, in the one case, and Sir
James Yeo, in the other, being the commander-in-chief.
This circumstance deprived Perry of the usual share
of prize money which legally fell to that rank, but Con
gress added the sum of $5000 to that of $7500 which
belonged to him as commander of the Lawrence, making
a total amount of $12,500; a sum which, while it is
insignificant when viewed as the gift of a nation, be
stowed on a conqueror for such a service, was not alto
gether unimportant to the young housekeeper, whose
family had now been increased in number to four by
the birth of two children. It may be added, here, as a
proof of the high estimation in which Perry's success
has ever been held by the nation, that his most elabo
rate biographer states that something like forty coun
ties, towns, villages, etc., have been named after him,
in different parts of the Union.

Perry had returned to his command and his family
at Newport, on quitting Lake Erie, but here it was not
possible for him to remain long, in the height of an ac
tive war.. In August, 1814, he was transferred to the
Java 44, an entirely new ship, then fitting at Baltimore.
This vessel, however, was unable to get out, in conse
quence of the force the enemy kept in the bay, below.

NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

Her commander and crew were actively employed in
the operations that were carried on to annoy the British
vessels on their descent of the Potomac from Alexan
dria, and the defence of their own vessel was confided
to them in the fruitless attempt on Baltimore.

About the close of the year, preparations were made
for equipping two light squadrons, with a view to ha
rass the .trade of the enemy. One of the squadrons
was now given to Perry, it being found that the Java
could not get to sea. He immediately caused the keels
of three brigs to be laid, intending to have two more
constructed to complete the number. Peace, however,
put an end to this enterprise.

In May, 1815, Perry was attached anew to the Java,
and he remained in this ship, at different ports, until
January, 1816, when he sailed from Newport for the
Mediterranean. While lying at the port from which
he now took his departure, an opportunity offered for
this brave man, always active on emergencies of this sort,
to rescue the crew of a wreck from drowning, during a
gale in the cold weather of an American winter. The
season was boisterous, and it is mentioned as an extra
ordinary fact that the Java, which sailed from New
port with strong north-west gales, passed the Western
Islands, the eighth day out. On the fourteenth she was
within a few hours' run of Cape St. Vincent.

On reaching the Mediterranean, the Java joined a
squadron commanded by Com, Shaw, and was present
before Algiers at a moment when very serious move
ments were contemplated against that regency. Peace,
however, was preserved, and the ship continued to
cruise in that beautiful sea, subsequently under the

OLIVEK HAZARD PERRY. 201

command of Com. Chauncey, until January, 1817, when
she was ordered home.

The termination of this cruise was made uncomfort
able to Perry, by an exceedingly unpleasant misunder
standing . with the commanding marine-officer of his
own ship. Some disagreeable occurrences had already
created a coolness between them, when Perry, in a per
sonal interview, became so far irritated as to strike his
subordinate in his own cabin. It may be some little
extenuation of this act, that it is understood to have
been committed after Perry had returned from a dinner
party on shore. There is little to be said in justifica
tion of such a violation of propriety, beyond the usual
plea that no one is always right. Perry appears to
have been soon sensible that he had committed himself
in a way to require concessions, and these he very
liandsomely offered to make. They were not accepted,
and the affair subsequently led to recriminating charges
and trials, by means of which both the offenders were
sentenced to be privately reprimanded.

This transaction produced a deeper feeling, perhaps,
than any other question of mere discipline that ever
agitated the American marine. It was justly said that,
in Perry's case, the punishment was altogether dispro-
portioned to the offence, and that the persons and honor
of the subordinates were placed at the mercy of the
captains by the decision. There can be no sufficient
reason for the commanding officer of a ship's using vio
lence toward an inferior, as he has all legal means for
compelling legal submission ; and beyond this his
power does not extend. Thus the punishment of the
superior who thus transcends his just authority ought

202 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

even to exceed that which awaits the subordinate who
rebels against it, since it is without a motive in itself,
while passion may goad the other to an act of madness ;
and, of the two, it is ever more dangerous to discipline
for the superior than for the inferior to err. In the one
case, the crime is that of an individual ; while in the
other, it is authority itself which is in fault ; and power
can never offend without bringing discredit on its attri
butes.

As respects the conduct of Perry in this matter, it
partakes equally of what we conceive to be the strong
and the weak points of his character. Notwithstanding
all that rigorous moralists may be disposed to say, the
best excuse for the offence, perhaps, is the fact that he
was a little off his guard by the exhilaration of the
scene he is understood to have just left. The fault
committed, apology was his true course, and this reflec
tion induced him to offer. It was not accepted, and he
saw before him the prospect of a trial. Then it was
that he preferred the charges against the marine officer.
Here he committed, by far, the gravest of his faults ; and
truth compels us to say it was a fault that he committed
more than once in the course of his life, leaving, under
the gravity of the cases, reason to infer that it was con
nected with some controlling trait of character. A com
mander has little discretion in the preferring of charges.
If the party merit punishment, or if the act demand in
vestigation, the public good is the object, in both cases
alike. Under no circumstances can a commander, with
propriety, compromise or vindicate justice, on grounds
that are purely personal to himself. If the marine offi
cer, in this case, merited punishment, the charges

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 203

should not have been delayed, but have been instituted
independently of all questions between him and his
commander ; and did he not merit it, they should not
have been preferred, even though Perry's commission
were the price of his own error. There will be another
occasion to advert to a similar confusion between right
and wrong, in the official career of this distinguished
officer, and in a case affecting himself.

On the other hand, Perry showed a deep sense of
the error he had committed in connection with this
affair, in his subsequent conduct. After his return
home, a meeting took place between him and the ma
rine officer, in which he received the shot of his oppo
nent, declining to fire in return. Nothing could have
been better than his conduct throughout the latter part
of this affair. In a letter written to his friend Decatur,
on this occasion, he uses the following generous and
manly language — " I cannot return his fire, as the meet
ing, on my part, will be entirely an atonement for the
violated rules of the service."

The affair with his marine officer was not quite dis
posed of, when a new difficulty arose to embitter the
close of Perry's life. Like that of the marine officer,
it has already attracted too much notice, and the indis
cretions of ill-judging and partial vindicators have
dragged into the question principles of far too much
importance to the navy, and indeed to the nation at
large, to allow of any biographer's passing it over in
silence.

The battle of Lake Erie was attended by two cir
cumstances that were likely to entail dissensions and
discussions on the actors in that important event.

204 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

Though victory crowned the efforts of the Americans,
the commanding vessel, the Lawrence, struck her flag
to the enemy, while the Niagara, a vessel every way
her equal in force, did not get her full share of the
combat until near its close. Nothing is more certain
than that both these peculiarities might have occurred
without blame being properly attached to any one ; but
nothing was more natural than that such circumstances
should lead to accusations, recriminations, and quarrels.
Most of the officers were exceedingly young men, and,
while some of the Niagara were indiscreet in accusing
those who surrendered the Lawrence of having tar
nished the lustre of the day, those of the Lawrence re
torted by accusing the Niagara of not having properly
supported them. When this business of recrimination
commenced, or which party was the .aggressor, it
would now most probably be in vain to ask ; but the
result has been one of the most protracted and bitter
controversies that has ever darkened the pages of the
history of the American marine ; and a controversy to
which political malignancy has endeavored to add its
sting. As full and elaborate discussions of this subject
have appeared, or will appear in print, we intend to
allude to it here no farther than it is inseparably con
nected with the acts and character of the subject of our
memoir, and the vindication of our own opinions.

In his official account of the battle of Lake Erie,
Perry commended the conduct of his second in com
mand, Capt. Elliott, in terms of strong eulogium. But
it would seem that the circumstances above mentioned
gave rise to some early rumors to the prejudice of both
parties ; it being contended, on one side, that Capt. El-

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 205

liott did not do his duty in the engagement, and, on the
other, that Capt. Perry came on board the Niagara dis
pirited, and ready to abandon the day. The country
heard but little of this, though the report to the preju
dice of Capt. Elliott was widely circulated in the region
of the lakes, particularly among the troops of Gen. Har
rison's army. In 1815, in consequence of a paragraph
in an English newspaper, which accompanied the find
ing of the Court Martial that sat on Capt. Barclay,
and which appears to have been mistaken even by
Capt. Elliott, as Well as by sundry writers of this coun
try, for a part of the finding itself, Capt. Elliott asked
for a Court of Inquiry into his conduct on the 10th
Sept. The court sat ; and the finding was an honor
able acquittal. Here the matter rested for three years,
or until after the return of Perry from the Mediter
ranean, when he received a letter from Capt. Elliott,
who asked for explanations on the matter of certain cer
tificates enclosed, which alleged that he, Capt. Perry,
had spoken disrespectfully of his, Capt. Elliott's, con-,
duct in the battle of Lake Erie. This letter produced ":
a brief but envenomed correspondence, in which Perry
avowed the imputations charged to him, and which ter
minated in a challenge' from Capt. Elliott. This chal
lenge Perry declined accepting, on the ground that he
was about to prefer charges against his late subordinate.
Here the matter terminated, in waiting for the future
course of the government. It is known that these
charges were shortly after sent, but no proceedings
were ever ordered by the department.

In order to form a just estimate of Perry's conduct
in this affair, and to discharge our own duties as im-

VOL. n. 18

206 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

partial biographers, it will be necessary to analyze his
charges, and to give him the benefit of his own expla
nations. Perry felt the awkwardness of his present
position. In 1813, a few days after the battle, he had
written a letter to the secretary, eulogizing the conduct
of Capt. Elliott in unequivocal terms. This letter was
written three days after the occurrence of the events,
when all the circumstances were still quite recent, and
yet when sufficient time had been given to become ac
quainted with any incidents which may have escaped
his personal observation. He was now, five years later,
bringing accusations which necessarily involved a con
tradiction of his eulogiums, and he felt the necessity of
offering his reasons for this change of course and
seemingly of opinion. This he did in a letter that was
sent with his charges, and which was dated August
10th, 1818.

In his explanations, Perry took the ground that when
he wrote the official letter of 1813, commending the
conduct of Capt. Elliott, he was not fully apprised of
all the facts of the case ; but that he now possessed the
evidence necessary to substantiate his charges. This
was the only substantial excuse that could be offered,
the profession of a reluctance to say any thing which
might injure Capt. Elliott, which was also urged,
hardly sufficing to explain away a eulogy. The truth,
however, compels us to go further, and to add that
Perry, in this instance, committed the same fault that
he had just before fallen into in the case of the marine
officer. He allowed considerations that were purely
personal to himself, to control his official conduct. In
his explanations, it is distinctly stated that he should

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 207

still have been willing to pass over the alleged delin
quency of Capt. Elliott, had not the ktter, by assailing
his, Perry's, character, endeavored to repair his own.
While he makes this admission, Perry also confesses
that the facts upon which some of his present charges
were founded had long been in his possession, thus
weakening his best defence for the course he was no\v
taking, or that of previous ignorance. If we add that
Perry gave as an additional reason for praising Capt.
Elliott in his official report of the battle, that he wished
all under his orders to share in the glory of the day,
the excuse is not tenable, as he omitted altogether to
mention four of his commanders, and this, too, under
circumstances that produced deep mortification to
the gentlemen whose names were not given to the
nation.

A dispassionate examination of this letter, at once
exposes its fallacies. In the first place, it was not ne
cessary to eulogize the conduct of Capt. Elliott to screen
him from censure. The praise that Perry gave him,
in 1813, is prominent, distinct, and much fuller than
that which is bestowed on any other officer under his
command. It is but justice to Perry to say, however,
that admitting Capt. Elliott deserved equally well with
others, his rank, and the peculiar circumstance that he
alone was Perry's equal in this respect, might fairly
entitle him to more notice than his inferiors ; while it
is due to Capt. Elliott to add that superiority of notice
was by no means necessary if the object had been
solely to protect from censure. There is a particularity
in Perry's praise, however, that it is difficult to ascribe
to any thing but an honest conviction that Elliott

208 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

merited it. That the reader may judge for himself,
we give parts of the letter itself, in a note, putting the
passages that apply especially to Capt. Elliott in
italics.*

* The following passages from Perry's official report, are those
in which he speaks of the conduct of Capt. Elliott, and in which
he speaks of the conduct of his officers generally. They are all
given for the purposes of comparison.

" U. S. Schooner Ariel, Put-in-Bay, 13th Sept. 1813.

" SIR — In my last I informed you that we had captured the
enemy's fleet on this lake. I have now the honor to give you the
most important particulars of the action," &c.

* • • " ' *;' r{ t i '< i! i'i *.''•'•*'
" At half -past two, the wind springing up, Capt. Elliott was

enabled to bring his vessel, the Niagara, gallantly into close action;
I immediately went on board of her, when he. anticipated my wish,
by volunteering to bring the schooners, which had been kept astern
by the lightness of the wind, into close action"

"The Niagara being very little injured, I determined to pass
through the enemy's line — bore up and passed ahead of their two
ships and a brig, giving a raking fire to them with the starboard
guns, and to a large schooner and sloop from the larboard side, at
half pistol-shot distance. The smaller vessels at this time having
got within grape and canister distance, under the direction of Capt,
Elliott, and keeping up a well-directed fire, the two ships, a brig,
and a schooner surrendered, a schooner and sloop making a vain
attempt to escape." . . . . Jv«/;.'^ "H-i- ;.,.>'•,-•.'-.

"Those officers and men under my observation evinced the
greatest gallantry, and I have no doubt that all others conducted
themselves as became American officers and seamen. Lieut.
Yarnall, first of the Lawrence, though several times wounded,
refused to quit the deck. Midshipman Forrest, (doing duty as
lieutenant,) and sailing-master Taylor, were of great assistance to
me. I have great pain in stating to you the death of Lieut. Brooks
of the marines, and Mid. Lamb, both of the Lawrence; and Mid.
John Clark, of the Scorpion — they were valuable officers. Mr.
Hambleton, purser, two volunteered his services on deck, was

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 209

The next consideration is the circumstance that
Perry forbore to prefer his charges, though some of the
proofs had tang been in his possession, until an issue
had been made up between his own character and that
of Capt. Elliott. This, then, is the instance similar to
that which occurred in the affair of the marine officer.
In both cases, the prosecutor is in possession of the
facts ; in both he delays to bring his charges while a
controversy affecting himself is in suspense ; and in
both he actually brings them when he finds that his
own conduct is to be brought in question. All this is
proved by Perry's own showing, and there is little ne
cessity of dilating on the merits of his course. It is
unjustifiable, and the mitigation of its errors is only to
be sought in the universal predominance of human

severely wounded late in the action. Mid. Swartout and Claxton,
of the Lawrence, were severely wounded. On board the Niagara,
Lieuts. Smith and Edwards, and Mid. Webster (doing duty as
sailing-master) behaved in a very handsome manner. Capt.
Brevoort, of the army, who acted as a volunteer in the capacity
of a marine officer on board that vessel, is an excellent and brave
officer, and with his musketry did great execution. Lieut. Turner,
commanding the Caledonia, brought that vessel into action in the
most able manner, and is an officer that in all situations may be
relied upon. The Ariel, Lieut. Packett, and Scorpion, Sailing-
Master Champlin, were enabled to get early into the action, and
were of great service. Capt. Elliott speaks in the highest terms
of Mr. Magrath, purser, who had been despatched in a boat on
service, previous to my getting on board the Niagara ; and, being
a seaman, since the action has rendered essential service in taking
charge of one of the prizes. Of Capt. Elliott, already so well
known to the government, it would be almost superfluous to speak.
In this action ?ie evinced his characteristic bravery and judgment,
and since the close of the action has given me the most able and
essential assistance.1'

18*

210 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

infirmity. It must be allowed, perhaps, that a large
majority of mankind would have acted under similar
influence, and have made the same mistake ; but, at the
same time, it is certain there are a few who would not.
It follows, therefore, that the character of Perry, as re
spects the qualities connected with this affair, must
be classed with those of the men who suffer personal
feeling to control their public conduct, instead of with
those of the men who, in their public acts, overlook
self, and decide solely on the abstract principles of
duty. This is said without adverting more particularly
to the issue which it is alleged had been made up
between Perry and Elliott, since nothing is plainer than
the fact, that accusations against the former might easily
have been disproved, if false, without necessarily drag
ging accusations against the latter into the inquiry.
The result of ail is to show, that while Perry possessed
some of the qualities of true greatness, he wanted
others, without which no man can claim to be placed
near the summit of human morals.

It must also be conceded that Perry did riot manifest
the strong desire he supposes, to allow all to share in
the honors of the day, since, as has just been stated, he
omitted to mention the names of no less than four of the
commanders of his gun-vessels ; two of whom were
superior in rank to others who were expressly named,
and all of whom were as much entitled to be mentioned
as the commanders of the other small vessels, under the
usual considerations of naval etiquette. We come now
to an examination of the charges themselves.

The charges brought by Capt. Perry against Capt.
Elliott, in 1818, may be divided into two classes :

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 211

those which refer to the conduct of the latter on the
10th Sept., 1813, and those which refer to his conduct
subsequently to that day. As the last have no connec
tion with any historical event, they may be passed
without comment, though it is no more than justice to
Perry to say that some of these charges, with their
specifications, are of a nature, if true, to require the
punishment of the offender ; while it is equally justice
to Capt. Elliott to say that . others, on their face,
are frivolous, and, in their nature, not to be legally sus
tained. Of the latter class, is a specification which
charges Capt. Elliott with having " declared, that the
officers and men of the Lawrence were not entitled to
prize-money on account of the vessels of the enemy
captured on Lake Erie, but that the officers and crews
of the other vessels of the American fleet were entitled
to prize-money for the re-capture of the Lawrence."
To deny an officer the right to make declarations of
this nature, would be virtually to deny him the right
of maintaining his private interests in the forms
prescribed by law. This particular specification
appears to have been conceived in a spirit that appeals
to the national vanity, rather than to the national
justice.*

* In another specification, Perry charges Elliott with having said
that the British vessels might, from the superior force of the
Americans, have been taken in fifteen minutes, " although he, the
said Capt. Elliott, well knew that the force of the enemy in that
engagement was superior to that of the American fleet."

The writer cannot see on what principle of force the English,
comparing fleet to fleet, \vere superior to the Americans. An ex
perienced officer, who examined both squadrons, tells him that
the Americans were decidedly superior. Officers who were in

212 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

The charges of ill conduct on the part of Capt. Elliott,
in the battle of Lake Erie, are three in number. The
first is conceived in the following words, viz. : — " That
the said Capt. Elliott, on the 10th Sept., 1813, being
then a master and commander in the navy of the United
States, and commanding the U. S. brig Niagara, one
of the American squadron on Lake Erie, did not use
his utmost exertions to carry into execution the orders
of his commanding officer to join in the battle of that
day between the American and British fleets." There
are two other charges, one accusing Capt. Elliott of
not doing his utmost to destroy the vessel he had been
particularly ordered to engage, and the other that he
did not do his utmost to succor the Lawrence. All
three of these charges substantially rest on the same
specifications, there being but one elaborately prepared,
which assumes to give an outline of the movements of
the Niagara in the action.

the engagement have given him the same account of the matter.
His own calculations produce a similar result. Mr. Webster,
before the Court of Inquiry, in 1815, says : — " In close action they
were not superior to us, in my opinion ; but from the lightness of
the wind, the situation of the fleets, and the enemy's having long
guns, I consider them superior."

Capt. Turner, in his affidavit, says that it was owing to the
Niagara's being so far astern, or, to use his own words, "which
circumstance, only, made the result of the battle for a short time
doubtful." This is strong language to use as against a superior
force.

Mr. Packett also says, substantially, the same thing. Now,
neither of these brave men would be apt to think success against
a superior British force certain.

The charge against Elliott is extraordinary in every point of
view, since it is like compelling an officer to submit his opinions
to those of other persons, in a matter affecting his views of force.

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 213

As the purpose of this article is merely to draw a
sketch of Perry's acts and character, it is unnecessary
to comment on these charges further than is required
to effect that object. We deem it impossible for any
impartial person to read these charges, and then to ex
amine the evidence, without coming to the conclusion
that the subject of this memoir lost sight of public duty
in the pursuit of private resentment. He appears to
have even overlooked the effect of his own orders in the
desire to criminate, and it is certain that one of the spe
cifications involves so great an ignorance of some of the
plainest principles 'of nautical practice, as to raise a sus
picion that the hand of some legal man has been em
ployed to pervert that which depends so palpably on
natural laws as to admit of no serious dispute. There
is other evidence, we think, that Perry did not draw up
these charges himself ; a fact that may, in a -measure,
relieve him from the responsibility of having brought
them in the precise forms in which they appear.

In the specification of charge fourth, we get the fol
lowing statement, as coming from Perry himself, touch
ing his own order of battle, viz. : " 1st. An order direct
ing in what manner the line of battle should be formed :
the several vessels to keep within half a cable's length
of each other, and enjoining it upon the commanders
to preserve their stations in the line, and in all cases to
keep as near to the commanding officer's vessel (the Law
rence) as possible. 2d. An order of attack: in which
order the Lawrence was designated to attack the ene
my's new ship, (afterward ascertained to be named the
Detroit,) and the Niagara, commanded by the said Capt.
Elliott, designated to attack the enemy's ship Queen

214 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

Charlotte," &c., &c. This, then, was the general order
of battle, as respects the Niagara, with the addition that
her station in the line was half a cable's length astern
of the Caledonia. Perry also gave a repetition of Nel
son's well known order — " That if his officers laid
their vessels close alongside of their enemies, they
could not be out of the way." Under these orders, not
only Perry himself, in 1818, but several of his wit
nesses, appear to think it was the duty of a commander
to close with the particular adversary he was ordered
to engage, if in his power, without regard to any other
consideration. This opinion is such an unmilitary
construction of the orders, and might have led to con
sequences so injurious, as to be easily shown to be
untenable.

If the construction of the orders just mentioned can
be sustained, the line, the distance from each other at
which the vessels were to form, and every other provi
sion for the battle, the one alluded to excepted, becam-e
worse than useless. The true course would have been,
with such an intention before a commander, to have
directed the several officers to their respective antago
nists, and left them to find their way alongside in the
best manner they could. If such were intended to be
the primary order, in the orders for battle, it should
have been so worded as to let the subordinates under
stand it, and not fetter them with other orders, of which
the execution must materially interfere with the execu
tion of this particular mandate.

But it is impossible to understand the order of battle
in this restricted sense; else would it reflect sorely on
Perry's judgment as an officer, and do utter discredit to

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 215

his powers of explanation. The order of battle clearly-
meant — first, to prescribe a line of battle, in which each
ship had her assigned station, with an additional direc
tion, " enjoining it on her to keep her station in the
line;" second, to point out at what vessel of the enemy
each American should direct his efforts, from that sta
tion in the line ; and, lastly, if circumstances deranged
the original plan, to keep near the Lawrence, though
you may place yourself alongside of your enemy as a
last resort ; there you cannot be much out of your way.
Without this construction of them, the orders would be
a contradictory mass of confusion.

Now it is in proof that the Niagara was in her station
astern of the Caledonia, until Capt. Elliott, after waiting
for orders to shift his berth in vain, did it on his own
responsibility, breaking that line of battle which he was
enjoined to keep, and from the responsibility of doing
which it was certainly the peculiar duty of Perry to
relieve him, either by a signal, or by an order sent by a
boat, did it appear to him to be necessary. It is also in
proof, that, when Capt. Elliott took on himself, in the
immediate presence of his commander, without a signal,
to break an order of battle he was enjoined to keep, he
endeavored to close with the Lawrence, and that when
the latter dropped, he passed ahead, and came abeam of
the only heavy vessels the enemy possessed, engaging
them within musket-shot. If these facts are not true,
human testimony is worthless ; for they are substan
tially shown even by the best of Capt. Perry's own
witnesses. This confusion in the reading of the orders
prevails among most of the witnesses, who evidently
mistake the accessory for the principal.

216 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

Another of Perry's specifications accuses Capt. Elliott
of keeping his brig " nearly a mile's distance from the
Lawrence," &c., at the period of the engagement be
fore he passed the Caledonia. It is beyond dispute
that the Caledonia was close to the Niagara all this
time, and, let the distance be what it might, it is not
easy to find the principle which censures one com
mander, under these circumstances, and does not cen
sure the other ; unless the explanation is to be found
in the admitted superiority of the Niagara over the Ca
ledonia in sailing. This we believe to be the solution
of Perry's impression on this particular poini, as well
as of those of the witnesses whose affidavits accompany
his charges. In other words, they appear to have per
suaded themselves that it was the duty of Capt. Elliott
to have disregarded the line of battle, and the injunction
to keep it, and to have broken it immediately, or as soon
as the Lawrence drew ahead of the Caledonia. This
is what is meant by their statement that the wind which
carried the Lawrence ahead, would have done the same
thing with the Niagara. No one can dispute the fact ;
but the question, who ought to take the responsibility
of altering a line of battle before any material damage
had been done on either side, he who issued the order
originally, and who had the power to change his own
arrangements, or he whose duty it was to obey, is a
question which can admit of no dispute in the minds of
the clear-thinking and impartial.

Having adverted to this particular specification, it is
proper to add that all the witnesses of the Niagara, who
speak to the point, differ from the charges as to this
alleged distance of their vessel when astern ; and even

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 217

the two lieutenants of the Lawrence, who were exa
mined before the court of 1815, put it, the one at three
quarters of a mile from the enemy, and the other at from
half to three quarters of a mile ; thus lessening the dis
tance averred in the charges, by nearly, if not quite,
one half.

In another specification Perry uses these words, viz. :
" Instead of preventing which, or affording any assist
ance to said brig Lawrence, the said Capt. Elliott left
that vessel, her officers and crew, (eighty -three of whom
were killed or wounded,) a sacrifice to the enemy,
although his, the said Capt. Elliott's, vessel remained
perfectly uninjured, with not more than one or two of
his men, (if any,) while Capt. Elliott continued on board
of her, wounded.

Since the death of Perry, the clearest evidence has
been produced to show that the Niagara had met with
at least half of her whole loss before Perry reached her,
and several witnesses have testified they do not think
more than five or six of the casualties occurred while
he was on board. Previously to his bringing the
charges, however, the error of this allegation about the
wounded, and that of the injuries to the vessel, had been
publicly shown. Mr. 'Webster, the sailing-master of the
Niagara, before the court of 1815, testified that he was
hurt and carried below previously to Capt. Perry's
coming on board ; and, in reply to a question as to the
injuries received by the Niagara, he answered as fol
lows, viz. : " There were two men killed from my divi
sion before I went below, and several men wounded on
board." This testimony forms part of the records of the
department, though Perry may never have seen it. To

VOL. n, 19

218 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

suppose him capable of bringing an allegation that only
two men were wounded in the Niagara, when it was
established that two had been killed, would be to attri
bute to him a subterfuge that could scarcely be palliated
by the blindness of resentment. There is now no doubt,
whatever, that the specification, so far as it relates to
the hurt of the Niagara, rests solely on vague rumors,
which, so far from strengthening the accusations against
Capt. Elliott, have a direct tendency to weaken them,
by proving the active feeling under which they have
been brought. The specification, worthless as it would
be if true, is unquestionably untrue.

There is another specification which it is impossible
to suppose Perry deliberately offered, and not to imagine
him totally blinded by resentment, since it involves a
physical contradiction. This specification is in these
words : " And was (meaning Capt. Elliott) when his
said commanding officer went on board that vessel, (the
Niagara,) keeping her on a course by the wind, which
would in a few minutes have carried said vessel entirely
out of action ; to prevent which, and in order to bring
said vessel into close action with the enemy, the said
commanding officer was under the necessity of heaving-
to, and immediately waring said vessel, and altering her
course at least eight points.11

The first objection to this charge is a feature of disin-
genuousness, that has greatly misled the public mind, on
the subject of the situation the Niagara actually occu
pied when Capt. Perry reached her. It is unanswer
ably in proof that this brig was about as near to the
enemy as the Lawrence ever got during the engage
ment, and though Perry certainly carried her much

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 219

nearer, the phrase he uses, in this charge, of " in order
to bring the said vessel into close action," has a tend
ency to mislead. If the Lawrence was ever in close
action, then was the Niagara in close action when Perry
reached her; and it would have been fairer to have
used some expression which would have left a clearer
idea of the real facts of the case. But this is the least
objection to the specification. A reference to Capt.
Perry's own official report of the action will show that
he himself admits, in that document, that Capt. Elliott
took the Niagara into close action.

If Capt. Perry found the Niagara " on a course by
the wind," he found her steering on a line parallel to
that on which the enemy was sailing ; and if it re
quired "a few minutes" to carry her out of action,
under such circumstances, it is a proof she was still
coming up abreast of her antagonist ; and to insinuate
that that was an equivocal position, would be like in
sinuating the same of Hull, when he ran alongside of
the Guerriere, or of Lawrence when he did the same
to the Shannon, as each of these officers was steering
on courses off the wind, which in a few minutes would
have carried them ahead of their foes, and out of the
action, had they not devised means to prevent it. To
accuse a man of what might happen, while he is still
doing what is right, is to bring a charge which falls of
its own weight. It is an accusation which may be
brought against the most virtuous while employed in
the performance of any act of merit.

Feeble as is the imputation contained in the fore
going feature of this specification, that which follows is
still more so, since it contradicts the possibilities. Pass-

220 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

ing over the singularity of a ship's first heaving-to, to
prevent her running out of action, and of then " imme
diately waring," a conjunction of evolutions that is en
tirely novel to seamanship, we come to the charge that
Capt. Perry was obliged to " ware" or alter his course
" eight points," in order to cut the English line. The
term "ware" is never used by a seaman unless he
brings the wind from one quarter to the other. To
"ware" is to come round before the wind; as to
" tack" is to come round against the wind. With the
wind at north, a ship on the larboard tack that was
steering "a course by the wind" would head at least
as high as east-north-east. Now keeping her off
" eight points," would cause her to head south-south
east ; a course which would not only still leave the
wind on her larboard quarter, but which would want
two full points of keeping dead away ; the last being a
step preliminary to waring, or coming up on the other
tack. If Capt. Perry used the term " waring" inad
vertently, and merely meant to say that he kept away
eight points to cut the line, it follows that the Niagara
must have been nearly abeam of the enemy when he
took command of her, and proves that Capt. Elliott him
self was fairly coming up alongside of his enemy. If,
however, he is to be understood as saying literally that
he did " ware," or bring the wind on his starboard
quarter, as is most probably true, both because the fact
is believed to be so, and because a seaman would not
be apt to use the word " ware" without meaning the
thing, it gives a death-blow to the only serious imputa
tion connected with the charge, by showing that Capt.
Elliott must have been bearing down on the enemy

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 221

when Capt. Perry reached the Niagara. The very
minimum of waring would be to bring the wind one
point on the quarter opposite to that on which it had
been before the evolution was performed. Less than
that would be keeping away. No seaman would think
of using the term for a change less than this. Now, if
Capt. Perry " wore," and altered his course only eight
points, he must have had the wind one point abaft the
beam when he commenced the evolution, and the
charge that Capt. Elliott was hugging the wind cannot
be true.

It is impossible to refute this reasoning, which de
pends on the simplest mathematical demonstration.
The weakness of the specification is so apparent, in
deed, as to give reason to distrust the agency of any
seaman in its immediate production. There are some
incidental facts that may possibly strengthen such a
supposition. The answer of Perry to Capt. Elliott's
last letter, is dated August 3d, 1818. In this answer,
he says — ** I have prepared the charges I am about to
prefer against you ; and, by the mail to-morrow, shall
transmit them to the Secretary of the Navy," &c. The
date of the charges actually sent to the department,
however, is August 8th, or five days later, and, from
the phraseology of the charges, as well as from that of
the accompanying affidavits, it gives some reason to
suppose that an outline of the facts had, in the interval,
been laid before some member of the bar, who has him
self supplied the phraseology, and with it, quite likely,
most of the defective reasoning.

It is nevertheless impossible to read this page in the
life of Perry without regret. The self-contradiction be-

NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

tween the language of his official report and that of his
charges is of a character that every right-thinking man
must condemn, and when we take his own explanations
of the discrepancy, and look into the charges them
selves, we find little to persuade us that the last were
brought under that high sense of the convictions of
public duty, which alone could justify his course. We
have no pleasure in laying this matter before the world,
but the ci1 culatiou which has lately been given to the
subject, rnder ei n^ftrte views and mutilated testimony,
imposes the obligation on a biographer to dwell longer
on this therae than he might wish. There is ever a
temptation in a democracy to natter even the prejudices
of the community ; but he is, indeed, a short-sighted
judge of human nature who fancies that the world will
fail to punish those who have been the instruments of
even its own delusions, and a miserable moralist who
sees truth through the medium of popular clamor, at
the expense equally of his reason and of the right.

The government never ordered any proceedings on
the charges thus preferred by Perry against Capt.
Elliott. It appears to have viewed them, as they must
be viewed by all impartial men who examine the sub
ject, as the result of personal resentment, confessedly
offered to its consideration under the influence of per
sonal interests; and as something very like the as
sumption of a right in a public servant to mould the
history of the country to suit the passions or policy of
the hour. Still, Perry remained a favorite, for his
services were unequivocal, and there was a desire to
overlook the capital mistake into which he had fallen.
We have no evidence of his pressing the matter, and it

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 223

is fair to presume, from this circumstance, that the
advice of cool-headed friends prevailed on him to ac
quiesce in the course taken by the functionaries at
Washington.

It was March, 1819, before Perry was again called
into service. He had caused a small residence to be
constructed on a part of the property that had been in
his family since the settlement of the country, and here
he passed the autumn of the year of his controversies ;
certainly well clear of one of them, whatever may be
the judgment of posterity concerning his course in the
other. The following winter he purchased a house in
Newport, and took possession of his new abode. Here
he was found by letters from the department directing
him to join the Secretary in New York. The result
of the interview was his being ordered to the command
of a force that was to be employed in protecting the
trade with the countries near the equator, his functions
being semi-diplomatic as well as nautical.

It was intended that Perry, who now in truth first be
came a commodore by orders, though the courtesy of
the nation had bestowed on him the title ever since his
success on Lake Erie, should hoist his broad pennant
on board the Constellation 38 ; but that ship not being
ready, he sailed from Annapolis in the John Adams 24,
on the 7th June. He did not get to sea, however,
until the llth. Early in July the John Adams reached
Barbadoes. After communicating with the shore, she
proceeded on to the mouth of the Orinoco, where Perry
shifted his pennant to the Nonsuch schooner, which
vessel had sailed in his company, and sent the ship to
Trinidad. He then began to ascend the river toward

224 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

Angostura, the capital of Venezuela ; off which town
the Nonsuch, anchored on the evening of the 26th July.

The American party remained at Angostura until
the 15th August ; twenty days, at nearly the worst
season of the year. The yellow fever prevailed, and
Perry remarks in his journal, a few days after his
arrival, that his crew was getting to be sickly, and that
two Englishmen had already been buried from the
house in which he resided. After transacting his
business, it now became necessary to depart, and, on
the day above mentioned, he took his leave of the au
thorities, and immediately got under way.

The situation of the Nonsuch was already critical,
her commander, the late commodore, then Lieut. Clax-
ton, the present Capt. Salter, who was a passenger,
and Doctor Morgan, the surgeon, together with some
fifteen or twenty of the crew, being already down with
the fever. The whole service had been one of danger,
though it was a danger that does not address itself to
the imagination of men with the influence and bril
liancy of that of war. The officers and crew of this ves
sel had entered the Orinoco, only thirty-four days after
they sailed from Lynn Haven, and were probably as
much exposed to the dreadful disease of the equator as
men well could be. As yet, however, the deaths in
the schooner had not been numerous, about one fourth
of the ill only having died.

On the morning of the 17th, Perry entered his gig,
and, as the Nonsuch continued to drop down with the
current, he pulled ahead, amusing himself with a fowl
ing-piece along the margin of the river. This may
seem to have been running an unnecessary risk, but

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 225

the seeds of disease were doubtless already in his sys
tem. That evening, the vessel reached the mouth of
the stream, but meeting with a fresh and foul wind, she
was anchored on the bar. There was a good deal of
sea in the course of the night, which was driven in be
fore the breeze, and the schooner riding to the current,
the spray washed over her quarter, from time to time,
water descending into the cabin and wetting Perry in
his sleep. When he awoke, which was quite early, he
found himself in a cold chill. In about an hour the
chill left him, and was succeeded by pains in the head
and bones, a hot skin, and other symptoms of yellow
fever. Perry was of a full habit of body, and to appear
ances as unpromising a subject for this disease as might
be. He had foreseen the risk he ran, and had foretold
his own fate in the event of being seized. Notwith
standing his appearance, it seems he would not bear the
lancet, the loss of blood causing him to sink, and his
attendants were compelled to relinquish a treatment that
had been quite successful in most of the other cases.
There were intervals of hope, however, his skin cooling,
and his breathing becoming easier, but new accesses of
the disorder as constantly succeeded to destroy their
cheering influence.

From the first, Perry himself had but little expectation
of recovery. His fortitude was v not the less apparent,
though he frequently betrayed the strength of the do
mestic ties which bound him to life. By the 23d of
August, the Nonsuch had got within two leagues of her
haven, being bound to Port Spain, in Trinidad, where
his own ship, the John Adams, was waiting his return.
Perry was now so far gone as to have attacks of the

226 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

hiccough, though his mind still remained calm and his
deportment placid. He was lying on the floor of a
trunk-cabin, in a small schooner, under a burning sun,
and in light winds ; a situation that scarcely admitted
of even the transient comfort of cooling breezes and
complete ventilation. At noon of this day he desired
the surgeon to let him know if any fatal symptoms oc
curred, and shortly after he was actually seized with
the vomiting which in this disorder is the unerring pre
cursor of death. This was a sign he could understand
as well as another, and he summoned to his side several
of his senior officers, and made a verbal disposition of
his property in favor of his wife. He appears to have
waited to perform this act until quite assured that his
fate was certain. This duty discharged, he asked to be
left alone.

A boat from the John Adams now arrived, and there
was a moment of reviving interest in the world as he
inquired of her first lieutenant as to the situation of his
ship and crew. He then had an interview with the
gentleman whom he wished to draw his will, but his
mind wandered, and about half-past three he breathed
his last. As his death occurred on the 23d of August,
1819, he was just thirty-four years and two days old
when he expired. When this event occurred, the Non
such was only a mile from the anchorage, and it would
have been a great mitigation of such a blow, could the
dying man have passed the last few hours of his exist
ence in the comfortable and airy cabin of a larger vessel.
The death of the commodore was first announced to the
officers and crew of the John Adams by seeing the
broad pennant, the symbol of authority, lowered from

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 227

the mast-head of the schooner. The body was interred
with military honors in Trinidad, but, a few years later,
it was transferred in a ship of war to Newport, where
it now lies, in its native soil, and in the bosom of the
community in which it first had an existence.

In person, Com. Perry was singularly favored, being,
in early manhood, of an unusually agreeable and pre
possessing appearance. The expression of his counte
nance was open, frank and cheerful, indicating more of
the qualities of the heart, perhaps, than of the mind.
His capacity was good, notwithstanding, if not brilliant
or profound, and he had bestowed sufficient pains on
himself to render his conversation and correspondence
suited to the high rank and trust that were confided to
him. He was warm-hearted, affectionate in disposi
tion, gentle in his ordinary deportment, but quick in
temper, and, as usually happens with men of vivid feel
ings, as apt to dislike as strongly as he was cordial in
his attachments. He was inclined to a clannish feel
ing, as is apt to be the case with the members of small
communities, and more or less of its effects are to be
traced in several incidents of his life. Thus, in the con
troversy 'that occurred between himself and Capt. El
liott, of the nine witnesses who take a view of the latter
officer's conduct similar to his own, six were gentlemen
who followed him from Rhode Island,* and belonged to

* Of the other three, two were the lieutenants of the Lawrence,
and had their feelings enlisted in the fate of that brig, while the
ninth was an officer who not only had just before quarreled with
Capt. Elliott, but who, by his own showing, believed that the
omission of his own name in the despatches was owing to Capt.
Elliott's interference. No better proof of the nature of the feeling
that prevailed need be given than the fact, that the surgeon's mate

228 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

his own gallant little state. He was fond of surround
ing himself with friends from his native place, and ever
retired to it when not on service afloat. Perry was
probably the only officer of his rank who never served
an hour, unattached to a vessel in any state but his own.
Whether this were accidental, or the result of choice,
we cannot say ; but it is in singular conformity with his
predilections, which go far toward explaining some of
the more painful passages of his life.

In stature, Commodore Perry was slightly above the
middle height.* His frame was compact, muscular,
and well formed, and his activity in due proportion.
His voice was peculiarly clear and agreeable, and, aided

of the Lawrence, one of Perry's immediate followers, testifies
himself that he questioned the wounded of the Niagara, within
thirty-six hours of the battle, in order to ascertain how many were
hurt while Capt. Elliott was on board of her, and how many after
Perry took command !

* The writer admits that many of the minor details of this sketch
are obtained from the work of Capt. Mackenzie. But here his in
debtedness ceases. He writes and thinks for himself in all that is
distinctive in the history or character of Perry. In nothing does
he agree less with Capt. Mackenzie, than in the opinion of the lat
ter concerning Perry's stature. "The person of Perry,',' says that
gentleman, "was of the loftiest stature, and most graceful mould"
—p. 242, vol. 2d, Mack. Life of Perry. If Capt. Mackenzie viewed
the whole of his subject through the same exaggerated medium,
as he certainly has viewed the person of Perry, it is not surprising
that others Should differ from him in opinion. The writer has
stood side by side with Perry, often, and feels certain he was him
self taller than Perry. His own stature was then rather under five
feet ten. A gentleman who knew Perry well, assures the writer
that he measured him once, for a wager, and that his height was
as near as might be to five feet eight. The "loftiest stature"
would infer, at the very least, six feet, and this Perry certainly was
not by several inches.

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 229

by its power, he was a brilliant deck-officer. His repu
tation as a seaman, also, was good, while his steadiness
in emergencies was often proved.

By his marriage with Miss Mason, who still lives his
widow, Perry left four children ; three sons and a
daughter. The government made a larger provision
than usual for their education and support, though it
could scarcely be deemed adequate to its object, or to
the claims of the deceased husband and father. Of the
sons, the eldest was educated a physician ; the second
is now a lieutenant in the navy ; the third has devoted
himself to the profession of arms, as a student at West
Point. The daughter is married to a clergyman of the
name of Vinton. Perry appears to have been happy in
his domestic relations, having been an attached husband
and a careful father, though he did not permit the ties
of the fireside to interfere with the discharge of his
public duties, the severest of all trials perhaps on a
man of an affectionate disposition and domestic habits.

In reviewing the life of Com. Perry, one cannot but
regret that the ill-directed zeal of mistaken friends has
not left his memory peacefully to repose on the laurels
he obtained in battle. Advancing under the cover of
political vituperation, they have endeavored to sustain
a vindictive controversy, by exaggerated pictures of the
character of his victory, and by ex parte representations
of testimony. It is a misfortune that men who have
not been capable of appreciating how much more pow
erful truth really is than even the illusions of national
vanity, have had too much to do with what has been
termed the vindication of his character, and have thus
dragged before the world evidence to prove that Perry

VOL. ii. 20

230 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

was far from being superior to human failings. His
professional career was short, and, though it was distin
guished by a victory that led to important results, and
which was attended by great success, it was not the
victory of unrivaled skill and unsurpassed merit that
ill-judged commentators have so strenuously asserted.
Compared with the battle of Plattsburgh Bay, as a nau
tical achievement, the victory of Lake Erie must always
rank second in the eyes of American seamen, and, in
the eyes of statesmen, as filling the same place in im
portance. A mere ad captandum enumeration of guns
can never mislead the intelligent and experienced, and
these, when acquainted with the facts, will see that the
action of the 10th September was one in which defeat
would have been disgrace. Still it was a glorious vic
tory, and gallantly achieved. Circumstances were ad
verse, and the disadvantages were nobly met by Perry.
His greatest merit on this day was in his personal
exertions, and the indomitable resolution he manifested
not to be conquered. The manner in which he changed
his vessel, taken in connection with the motive, stands
almost alone in the annals of naval exploits, and evinces
a professional game that of itself would confer lustre on
a sea-captain. His recent and severe illness, too, adds
to the merit of his conduct, for it is seldom that the
mind is enabled to look down the infirmities of the body.
But the personal intrepidity of Perry, always of a high
order, as was often manifested, was not the principal
feature of this act, though it Jed him from the deck of
one ship, already a slaughter-house, that was dropping
out of the battle, to the deck of another then in the heat
of the combat ; but it was that lofty determination to re-

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 231

deem his previous losses, and still to wrest victory from
the grasp of his enemy, that truly ennobles the deed,
and, so far as he himself was personally concerned,
throws the mere calculations of force into the shade.

The death of Perry, too, has a claim on the public
gratitude, that is quite equal to what would have been
so readily conceded had he fallen in battle. In his
case the fatal danger was not even concealed ; for he
went into the Orinoco, as he went into the fight, con
scious of the presence of an enemy, and with unerring
warnings of his own fate should he happen to come
within the reach of his ruthless arm. To our minds,
Perry calmly dying on the cabin-floor of the little
Nonsuch, surrounded by mourning friends, beneath a
burning sky, and without even a breath of the scirocco-
like atmosphere to fan his cheek, is a spectacle as
sublime as if he lay weltering in his gore on the quar
ter-deck of the Pennsylvania, with the shouts of victory
still ringing in his ears.

The name of Perry will ever remain associated with
American naval annals. His victory was the first
obtained, in squadron, by the regular and permanent
marine of the country, and its reputation precedes all
others in the order of time. The peculiar character of
his personal exertions associated him more closely with
his success, too, than is usual even for a commanding
officer, securing to his renown a perpetuity of lustre
that no one can envy who justly views his exertions.
All attempts to rob Perry of a commander's credit for
the battle of Lake Erie must fail ; for to this he is fairly
entitled, and this the good sense and natural justice of
men must award him ; but too much is exacted when

232 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

his admirers ask the world to disregard the known laws
that regulate physical force ; to forget the points of the
compass ; to overlook testimony, when it is direct, un-
impeached, and the hest a case will admit of, in favor
of rumors that .can be traced to no responsible source ;
to believe all that even Perry says to-day, and to forget
all that he said yesterday; in short, to place judgment,
knowledge, evidence, the truth, and even the laws of
nature, at the mercy of imbittered disputants, who have
fancied that the ephemeral influence of political clamor
is to outlast the eternal principles of right, and even to
supplant the mandates of God

EICHARD DALE.

AMONG the many brave men who early contributed
to render the navy of the republic popular and respect
able, the gallant seaman whose name is placed at the
head of this article is entitled to a conspicuous place ;
equally on account of his services, his professional
skill, and his personal merit. Although his connec
tion with the marine, created under the constitution of
1789, was of short continuance, it left a durable im
pression on the service ; and, if we look back to the
dark period of the Revolution, we find him contending
in some of the fiercest combats of the period, always
with heroism, and not unfrequently with success. Cir
cumstances, too, have connected his renown with one
of the most remarkable naval battles on record ; a dis
tinction of itself which fully entitles him to a high
place among those who have fought and bled for the
independence of their country, in stations of subordi
nate authority.

Richard Dale was born in the colony of Virginia, on
the 6th November, 1756. His birth-place was in the
county of Norfolk, and not distant from the well known
port of the same name. His parents were native
Americans, of respectable standing, though of rather
reduced circumstances. His father, dying early, leff
20* 233

234 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

a widow with five children, of whom the subject of this
memoir was the eldest. Some time after the death of
his father, his mother contracted a second marriage
with a gentleman of the name of Cooper, among the
issue of which were two well known ship-masters of
Philadelphia.

Young Dale manifested an inclination for the sea at
a very early period of life. The distrust of a parental
control that has no foundation in nature, and which is
apt to be regarded with jealousy, stimulated if it did
not quicken this desire, and we find him at the tender
age of twelve, or in 1768, making a voyage between
Norfolk and Liverpool, in a vessel commanded by one
of his own uncles. On his return home, he appears to
have passed nearly a twelvemonth on shore ; but his
desire to become a sailor still continuing, in the spring
of 1770 he was regularly apprenticed to a respectable
merchant and ship-owner, of the borough of Norfolk,
named Newton. From this moment his fortune in life
was cast, and he continued devotedly employed in the
profession, until his enterprise, prudence and gallantry
enabled him finally to retire with credit, and unblemish
ed name, and a competency.

During his apprenticeship, Dale appears to have
been, most of the time, employed in the West India
trade. Every sailor has his chances and hair-breadth
escapes, and our young mariner met with two, at that
period of his life, which may be thought worthy of
notice. On one occasion he fell from the spars stowed
on the belfry into the vessel's hold, hitting the keelson,
a distance of neaT twenty feet ; escaping, however,
without material injury. A much greater risk was

RICHARD DALE. 235

incurred on another. While the vessel to which he
belonged was running off the wind, with a stiff breeze,
Dale was accidentally knocked overboard by the jib
sheets, arid was not picked up without great difficulty.
He was an hour in the water, sustaining himself by
swimming, and he ever spoke of the incident as one of
more peril than any other in a very perilous career.

When nineteen, or in 1775, Dale had risen to the
station of chief mate on board a large brig belonging to
his owner. In this situation he appears to have -re
mained, industriously engaged during the few first
months of the struggle for independence ; the active
warfare not having yet extended itself as far south as
his part of the country. Early in 1776, however, the
aspect of things began to change, and it is 'probable
that the interruption to commerce rendered him the
master of his own movements.

Virginia, in common with most of the larger and
more maritime colonies, had a sort of marine of its
own ; more especially anterior to the Declaration of
Independence. It consisted principally of bay craft,
and was employed in the extensive estuaries and rivers
of that commonwealth. On board of one of these light
cruisers Dale was entered as a lieutenant, in the early
part of the memorable year 1776. While in this ser
vice, he was sent a short distance for some guns, in a
river craft ; but falling in with a tender of the Liver
pool frigate, which ship was then cruising on the Cape
Henry station, he was captured and carried into Nor
folk. These tenders were usually smart little cruisers,
another, belonging to the same frigate, having been
taken shortly before, by the U. S. brig Lexington, after

236 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

a sharp and bloody conflict. Resistance in the case of
Dale was consequently out of the question, his capture
having been altogether a matter of course.

On reaching Norfolk, our young officer was thrown
on board a prison-ship. Here he found himself in the
midst of those whom it was the fashion to call " loyal
subjects." Many of them were his old scnool-mates
and friends. Among the latter was a young man of
the name of Bridges Gutteridge, a sailor like himself,
and one who possessed his entire confidence. Mr.
Gutteridge, who it is believed subsequently took part
with his countrymen himself, was then employed by
the British, in the waters of the Chesapeake, actually
commanding a tender in their service. The quarrel
was still recent ; and honorable, as well as honest men,
under the opinions which prevailed in that day, might
well be divided as to its merits. Mr. Gutteridge had
persuaded himself he was pursuing the proper course.
Entertaining such opinions, he earnestly set about the
attempt of making a convert of his captured friend.
The usual arguments, touching the sacred rights of the
king — himself merely a legalized usurper, by the way,
if any validity is to be given to the claims of hereditary
right to the crown — and the desperate nature of the
"rebel cause," were freely and strenuously used, until
Dale began to waver in his faith. In the end, he
yielded and consented to accompany his friend in a
cruise against the vessels of the state. This occurred
in the month of May, and, hostilities beginning now to
be active, the tender soon fell in with a party of Ameri
cans, in some pilot boats, that were employed in the
Rappahannock. A warm engagement ensued, in

RICHARD DALE. 237

which the tender was compelled to run, after meeting
with a heavy loss. It was a rude initiation into the
mysteries of war, the fighting being of a desperate, and
almost of a personal character. This was one of those
combats that often occurred about this period, and in
those waters, most of them being close and sanguinary.

In this affair, Dale received a severe wound, having
been hit in the head by a musket ball ; with this wound
he was confined several weeks at Norfolk, during which
time he had abundance of leisure to reflect on the false
step into which he had been persuaded, and to form
certain healthful resolutions for the future. To use
his own words, in speaking of this error of his early
life, he determined " never again to put himself in the
way of the bullets of his own country." This resolu
tion, however, it was necessary to conceal, if he would
escape the horrors of a prison-ship, and he " bided his
time," fully determined to take service again under the
American flag, at the first fitting opportunity.

In the peculiar state of the two countries at the time,
and with the doubtful and contested morality of the
misunderstanding, there was nothing extraordinary in
this incident. Similar circumstances occurred to many
men, who, with the best intentions and purest motives,
saw, or fancied they saw, reasons for changing sides in
what, in their eyes, was strictly a family quarrel. In
the case of Dale, however, the feature most worthy of
comment was the singleness of mind and simple in
tegrity with which he used to confess his own error,
together with the manner in which he finally became a
convert to the true political faith. No narrative of the
life of this respectable seaman would be complete, with-

238 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

out including this temporary wavering of purpose ; nor
would any delineation of his character be just, that did
not point out the candor and sincerity with which, in
after life, he admitted his fault.

Dale was only in his twentieth year when he re
ceived this instructive lesson from the " bullets of his
countrymen." From that time, he took good care not
to place himself again in their way, going, in June or
July, to Bermuda, on a more peaceable expedition, in
company with William Gutteridge, a relative of his be
guiling friend. On the return passage, the vessel was
captured by the Lexington, the brig just mentioned,
then a successful cruiser, under the orders of Capt.
John Barry ; an officer who subsequently died at the
head of the service. This occurred just after the
Declaration of Independence, and Dale immediately
offered himself as a volunteer under the national flag.
He was received and rated as a midshipman within a
few hours of his capture. This was the commence
ment of Dale's service in the regular navy of his native
country. It was also the commencement of his ac
quaintance with the distinguished commander of the
Lexington, whose friendship and respect he enjoyed
down to the day of the latter's death. While the brig
was out, our midshipman had another narrow escape
from death, having, together with several others, been
struck senseless by lightning during a severe thunder
storm.

Barry made the capture just mentioned near the end
of his cruise, and he soon after went into Philadelphia,
which place Dale now saw for the first time. Here
Barry left the Lexington to take command of the Ef-

RICHARD DALE. 239

fingham 28, a ship that never got to sea, leaving our
new midshipman in the brig. Capt. Hailock was
Barry's successor, and he soon rated Dale, by this time
an active and skilful seaman, a master's mate. Early
in the autumn, the Lexington sailed for Cape Francois,
on special duty. On her return, in the month of De
cember, she fell in with the Pearl frigate,* and was
captured without resistance, carrying an armament of
only a few fours.

As it was blowing very fresh at the moment this cap
ture was made, the Pearl took out of the prize four or
five officers, threw a small crew on board, and directed
the brig to follow her. By some accounts Dale was left
in the Lexington, while by others he was not. A suc
cinct history of the events of his life, written by a con
nection under his own eye, and which is now before us,
gives the latter version of the affair, and is probably the
true one. At all events, the remaining officers and crew
of the Lexington rose upon the captors in the course of
the night, retook the brig, and carried her into Baltimore.!

The English landed several of their prisoners on
Cape Henlopen, in January, 1777, under some arrange
ment that cannot now be explained, though probably it
was connected with an exchange for the men taken and
carried away in the prize. Among these was Dale,

* This ship has been differently stated to have been the Liverpool
and the Pearl. We follow what we think the best authorities.

tThe prize-officer of the Lexington was a young American, of
a highly respectable family, then an acting lieutenant in the Eng
lish navy. His prisoners seized an occasion to rise, at a moment
when he had gone below for an instant, in consequence of which
he was dismissed the service ; living the remainder of his life, and
dying, in his native country.

240 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

who made the best of his way to Philadelphia, when he
received orders to proceed to Baltimore ; which he
obeyed, and rejoined his brig, the command of which
had now been transferred to Capt. Henry Johnston.

The next service on which the Lexington was em
ployed was in the European seas. In March, she
sailed from Baltimore for Bourdeaux, with despatches.
On her arrival, this brig was attached to a small squad
ron under the orders of Capt. Lambert Wickes, who
was in the Reprisal 16, having under his command also
the Dolphin 10, Capt. Samuel Nicholson. This force
of little vessels accomplished a bold and destructive
cruise, making the entire circuit of Ireland, though it
was eventually chased into a French port by a line-of-
battle ship. Its object was the interception of certain
linen-ships, which it missed ; its success, however, in
the main, was such as to excite great alarm among the
English merchants, and to produce warm remonstrances
to France, from their government.

At this time France was not at war with England,
although she secretly favored and aided the cause of
the revolted colonies. The appearance of American
cruisers in the narrow seas, however, gave rise to so
many complaints, as to induce the French government,
in preference to pushing matters to extremities, tempo
rarily to sequester the vessels. The Lexington was
included in this measure, having been detained in port
more than two months, or until security was given that
she would quit the European seas. This was done, and
the brig got to sea again on the 18th September, 1777.*

* It. is a curious feature of the times, that, the French ordering
the Americans to quit their ports with their prizes, the latter were
taken out a short distance to sea and sold, Frenchmen becoming
the purchasers, and finding means to secure the property.

RICHARD DALE. 241

It is probable that the recent difficulties had some
effect on the amount of the military stores on board all
three of the American vessels. At all events, it is cer
tain that the Lexingion sailed with a short supply of
both powder and shot, particularly of the latter. The
very next day she made an English cutter lying-to,
which was approached with a confidence that could
only have proceeded from a mistake as to her character.
This cutter proved to be a rnan-of-war, called the Alert,
commanded by Lieutenant, afterward Admiral Bazely,
having a strong crew on board, and an armament of ten
sixes.

In the action that ensued, and which was particularly
well fought on the part of the enemy, the Americans
were, in a measure, taken by surprise. So little were
the latter prepared for the conflict, that not a match was
ready when the engagement commenced, and several
broadsides were fired by discharging muskets at the
vents of the guns. The firing killed the wind, and
there being considerable sea on, the engagement be
came very protracted, during which the Lexington
expended most of her ammunition.

After a cannonading of two hours, believing his an
tagonist to be too much crippled to follow, and aware
of his own inability to continue the action much longer,
Capt. Johnson made sail, and left the cutter, under favor
of a breeze that Just then sprung up. The Lexington
left the Alert rapidly at first, but the latter having bent
new sails, and being the faster vessel, in the course of
three or four hours succeeded in getting alongside
again, and of renewing the engagement. This second
struggle lasted an hour, the fighting being principally

VOL. n. 21

242 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

on one side. After the Lexington had thrown her last
shot, had broken up and used all the iron that could be
made available as substitutes, and had three of her
officers and several of her men slain, besides many
wounded, Capt. Johnston struck his colors. The first
lieutenant, marine officer, and master of the Lexington
were among the slain.

By this accident Dale became a prisoner for the third
time. This occurred when he wanted just fifty days
of being twenty-one years old. On this occasion, how
ever, he escaped unhurt, though the combat had been
both fierce and sanguinary. The prize was taken into
Plymouth, and her officers, after undergoing a severe
examination, in order to ascertain their birthplaces, were
all thrown into Mill Prison, on a charge of high treason.
Here they found the common men ; the whole being
doomed to a rigorous and painful confinement.

Either from policy or cupidity, the treatment received
by the Americans, in this particular prison, was of a
cruel and oppressive character. There is no apology
for excessive rigor, or, indeed, for any constraint beyond
that which is necessary to security, toward an uncon-
demned man. Viewed as mere prisoners of war, the
Americans might claim the usual indulgence ; viewed
as subjects still to be tried, they were rightfully in
cluded in that healthful maxim of the law, which
assumes that all are innocent until they are proved to
be guilty. So severe were the privations of the Ame
ricans on this occasion, however, that, in pure hunger,
they caught a stray dog one day, skinned, cooked and
ate him, to satisfy their cravings for food. Their situa
tion at length attracted the attention of the liberal ;

RICHARD DALE. 343

statements of their wants were laid before the public :
and an appeal was made to the humanity of the English
nation. This is always an efficient mode of obtaining
assistance, and the large sum of sixteen thousand
pounds was soon raised ; thereby relieving the wants
of the sufferers, and effectually effacing the stain from
the national escutcheon, by demonstrating that the suf
ferers found a generous sympathy in the breasts of the
public. But man requires more than food and warmth.
Although suffering no longer from actual want and
brutal maltreatment, Dale and his companions pined
for liberty — to be once more fighting the battles of their
country. Seeing no hopes of an exchange, a large
party of the prisoners determined to make an attempt
at escape. A suitable place was selected, and a hole
under a wall was commenced. The work required
secrecy and time. The earth was removed, little by
little, in the pockets of the captives, care being had to
conceal the place, until a hole of sufficient size was
made to permit the body of a man to pass through. It
was a tedious process, for the only opportunity which
occurred to empty their pockets, was while the Ameri
cans were exercising on the walls of their prison, for a
short period of each day. By patience and perseve
rance, they accomplished their purpose, however, every
hour dreading exposure and defeat.

When all was ready, Capt. Johnston, most of his of
ficers, and several of his crew, or as many as were in
the secret, passed through the hole, and escaped. This
was in February, 1778. The party wandered about
the country in company, and by night, for more than a
week, suffering all sorts of privations, until it was

NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

resolved to take the wiser course of separating. Dale,
accompanied by one other, found his way to London,
hotly pursued. At one time the two lay concealed
under some straw in an out-house, while the premises
were searched by those who were in quest of them.
On reaching London, Dale and his companion imme
diately got on board a vessel about to sail for Dunkirk.
A pressgang unluckily took this craft in its rounds, and
suspecting the true objects of the fugitives, they were
arrested, and, their characters being ascertained, they
were sent back to Mill Prison in disgrace.

This was the commencement of a captivity far more
tedious than the former. In the first place, they were
condemned to forty days' confinement in the black hole,
as the punishment for the late escape ; and, released
from this durance, they were deprived of many of their
former indulgences. Dale himself took his revenge in
singing " rebel songs," and paid a second visit to the
black hole, as the penalty. This state of things, with
alternations of favor and punishment, continued quite a
year, when Dale, singly, succeeded in again effecting
his great object of getting free.

The mode in which this second escape was made is
known, but the manner by which he procured the
means he refused to his dying day to disclose. At all
events, he obtained a full suit of British uniform, attired
in which, and seizing a favorable moment, he boldly
walked past all the sentinels, and got off. That some
one was connected with his escape who might suffer by
his revelations is almost certain; and it is a trait in his
character, worthy of notice, that he kept this secret,
with scrupulous fidelity, for forty-seven years. It is

RICHARD DALE. 245

not known that he ever divulged it even to any individual
of his own family.

Rendered wary by experience, Dale now proceeded
with great address and caution. He probably had mo
ney as well as clothes. At all events, he went to Lon
don, found means to nrocure a passport, and left the
country for France, unsuspected and undetected. On
reaching a friendly soil, he hastened to 1'Orient, and
joined the force then equipping under Paul Jones, in
his old rank of a master's mate. Here he was actively
employed for some months, affording the commodore an
opportunity to ascertain his true merits, when they met
with something like their just reward. As Dale was
now near twenty-three, and an accomplished seaman,
Jones, after trying several less competent persons, pro
cured a commission for him, from the commissioners,
and made him the first lieutenant of his own ship, the
justly celebrated Bon Homme Richard.

It is not our intention, in this article, to enter any far
ther info the incidents of this well known cruise, than is
necessary to complete the present subject. Dale does
not appear in any prominent situation, though always
discharging the duties of his responsible station with
skill and credit, until the squadron appeared off Leith,
with the intention of seizing that town — the port of
Edinburgh — and of laying it under contribution. On
this occasion, our lieutenant was selected to command,
the boats that were to land, a high compliment to so
young a man, as coming from one of the character of
Paul Jones. Every thing was ready, Dale had received
his final orders, and was in the very act of proceeding
to the ship's side to enter his boat, when a heavy squall
21*

246 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

struck the vessels, and induced an order for the men to
come on deck, and assist in shortening sail. The ves
sels were compelled to bear up before it, to save their
spars ; this carried them out of the frith ; and, a gale
succeeding, the enterprise was necessarily abandoned.
This gale proved so heavy, th^f one of the prizes actu
ally foundered.

This attempt of Jones', while it is admitted to have
greatly alarmed the coast, has often been pronounced
rash and inconsiderate. Such was not the opinion of
Dale. A man of singular moderation in his modes of
thinking, and totally without bravado, it was his con
viction that the effort would have been crowned with
success. He assured the writer, years after the occur
rence, that he was about to embark in the expedition
with feelings of high confidence, and that he believed
nothing but the inopportune intervention of the squall
stood between Jones and a triumphant coup de main.

A few days later, Jones made a secret proposal to his
officers, which some affirm was to burn the shipping at
North Shields, but which the commanders of two of his
vessels strenuously opposed, in consequence of which
the project was abandoned. The commodore himself,
in speaking of the manner in which this and other
similar propositions were received by his subordinates,
extolled the ardor invariably manifested by the young
men, among whom Dale was one of the foremost.
Had it rested with them, the attempts at least would
all have been made.

On the 19th September occurred the celebrated bat
tle between the Serapis and the Bon Homme Richard.
As the proper place, to enter fully into the details of

RICHARD DALE. 247

that murderous combat will be in the biography of
Jones, we shall confine ourselves at present to incidents
with which the subject of this memoir was more imme
diately connected.

The Bon Homme Richard had finally sailed on this
cruise with only two proper sea-lieutenants on board
her. There was a third officer of the name of Lunt,
who has been indifferently called a lieutenant and the
sailing-master, but who properly filled the latter station.
This gentleman had separated from the ship in a fog,
on the coast of Ireland, while in the pursuit of some
deserters, and never rejoined the squadron. Another
person of the same name, and a distant relative of the
master, was the second lieutenant. He was sent in a
pilot-boat, accompanied by a midshipman and several
men, to capture a vessel in sight, before Jones made
the Baltic fleet coming round Flamborough Head.
This party was not able to return to the Bon Homme
Richard, until after the battle had terminated. In con
sequence of these two circumstances, each so novel in
itself, the American frigate fought this bloody and ardu
ous combat with only one officer on board her, of the
rank of a sea-lieutenant, who was Dale. This is the
reason why the latter is so often mentioned as the lieu
tenant of the Bon Homme Richard, during that memo
rable fight. The fact rendered his duties more arduous
and diversified, and entitles him to the greater credit for
their proper performance. Both the Lunts, however,
appear to have been seamen of merit, and subsequently
did good service. They were natives of New England.

Dale was stationed on the gun-deck, where of course
he commanded in chief, though it appears that his pro-

248 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

per personal division was the forward guns. Until the
ships got foul of each other, this brought him particu
larly into the hottest of the work ; the Serapis keeping
much on the bows, or ahead of the Bon Homme
Richard. It is known that Jones was much pleased
with his deportment, which, in truth, was every way
worthy of his own. When the alarm was given that
the ship was sinking, Dale went below himself to as
certain the real state of the water, and his confident
and fearless report cheered the men to renewed exer
tions. Shortly after, the supply of powder was stop
ped, when our lieutenant again quitted his quarters to
inquire into the cause. On reaching the magazine
passage he was told by the sentinels that they had
closed the ingress, on account of a great number of
strange and foreign faces that they saw around them.
On further inquiry, Dale discovered that the master at
arms, of his own head, had let loose all the prisoners —
more than a hundred in number — under the belief that
the ship was sinking. Dale soon saw the danger which
might ensue, but finding the English much alarmed at
the supposed condition of the ship, he succeeded in
mustering them, and setting them at work at the
pumps, where, by their exertions, they probably pre-
vented the apprehended calamity. For some time, at
the close of the action, all his guns being rendered use
less, Dale was employed principally in this important
service. There is no question that without some such
succor, the Richard would have gone down much
earlier than she did. It is a singular feature of this
everyway extraordinary battle, that here were English
men, zealously employed in aiding the efforts of their

RICHA.RD DALE. 249

enemies, under the cool control of a collected and ob
servant officer.

At length the cheerful intelligence was received that
the enemy had struck. Dale went on deck, and im
mediately demanded Jones' permission to take posses
sion of the prize. It was granted, and had he never
manifested any other act of personal intrepidity, his
promptitude on this occasion, and the manner in which
he went to work, to attain his purpose, would have
shown him to be a man above personal considerations,
when duty or honor pointed out his course. The
main-yard of the Serapis was hanging a-cock-bill, over
the side of the American ship. The brace was shot
away, and the pendant hung within reach. Seizing
the latter, Dale literally swung himself off, and alighted
alone on the quarter-deck of the Serapis. Here he
found no one but the brave Pierson, who had struck
his own flag ; but the men below were still ignorant of
the act. We may form an opinion of the risk that the
young man ran, in thus boarding his enemy at night,
and in the confusion of such a combat, for the English
were still firing below, by the fact that Mr. Mayrant, a
young man of South Carolina, and a midshipman of
the Bon Homme Richard, who led a party after the
lieutenant, was actually run through the thigh by a
boarding pike, and by the hands of a man in the waist
below.

The first act of Dale, on getting on the quarter-deck
of the Serapis, was to direct her captain to go on board
the American ship. While thus employed, the Eng
lish first lieutenant came up from below, and finding
that the Americans had ceased their fire, he demanded

250 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

if they had struck. "No, sir," answered Dale, "it is
this ship that has struck, and you are my prisoner."
An appeal to Capt. Pierson confirming this, the Eng
lish lieutenant offered to go below and silence the re
maining guns of the Serapis. To this Dale objected,
and had both the officers passed on board the Bon
Homme Richard. In a short time, the English below
were sent from their guns, and full possession was ob
tained of the prize.

As more men were soon sent from the Bon Homme
Richard, the two ships were now separated, the Rich
ard making sail, and Jones ordering Dale to follow with
the prize. A sense of fatigue had come over the ktter,
in consequence of the reaction of so much excitement
and so great exertions, and he took a seat on the bin
nacle. Here he issued an order to brace the head
yards aback, and to put the helm down. Wondering
that the ship did not pay offj he directed that the wheel-
ropes should be examined. It was reported that they
were not injured, and that the helm was hard down.
Astonished to find the ship immovable under such cir
cumstances, there being a light breeze, Dale sprang
upon his feet, and then discovered, for the first time,
that he had been severely wounded, by a splinter, in
the foot and ankle. The hurt, now that he was no
longer sustained by the excitement of battle, deprived
him of the use of his leg, and he fell. Just at this
moment, Mr. Lunt, the officer who had been absent in
the pilot-boat, reached the Richard, and Dale was
forced to give up to him the command of the prize.
The cause of the Serapis' not minding her helm was
the fact that Capt. Pierson had dropped an anchor under

RICHARD DALE. 251

foot when the two ships got foul ; a circumstance of
which the Americans were ignorant until this moment.

Dale was some time laid up with his wound, but he
remained with Jones in his old station of first lieutenant,
accompanying that officer, in the Alliance, from the
Texel to 1'Orient. In the controversy which ensued
between the commodore and Landais, our lieutenant
took sides warmly with the first, and even offered to
head a party to recover the Alliance, by force. This
measure not being resorted to, he remained with Jones,
and finally sailed with him for America, as his first
lieutenant, in the Ariel 20, a ship lent to the Ameri
cans, by the King of France.

The Ariel quitted port in October, 1780, but en
countered a tremendous gale of wind off the Penmarks.
Losing her masts, she was compelled to return to refit.
On this occasion Dale, in his responsible situation of
first lieutenant, showed all the coolness of his character,
and the resources of a thorough seaman. The tempest
was almost a hurricane, and of extraordinary violence.
The Ariel sailed a second time about the commence
ment of the year 1781, and reached Philadelphia on
the 18th February. During the passage home, she
had a short action, in the night, with a heavy British
letter-of-marque, that gave her name as the Triumph ;
and which ship is said to have struck, but to have made
her escape by treachery. Jones, who was greedy of
glory, even fancied that his enemy was a vessel of
war, and that he had captured a cruiser of at least
equal force. This was not Dale's impression. He
spoke of the affair to the writer of this article, as one
of no great moment, even questioning whether their

t

252 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

antagonist struck at all ; giving it as his belief she was
a quick-working and fast-sailing letter-of-marque. He
distinctly stated that she got off by out-mancEuvering the
Ariel, which vessel was badly manned, and had an ex
ceedingly mixed and disaffected crew. It is worthy of
remark, that, while two articles, enumerating the ser
vices of Dale, have been written by gentlemen con
nected with himself, and possessing his confidence,
neither mentions this affair ; a proof, in itself, that Dale
considered it one of little moment. .'\...

The account which Dale always gave of the meeting
between the Ariel and Triumph — admitting such to
have been the name of the English ship — so different
from that which has found its way into various publi
cations, on the representation of other actors in that
affair, is illustrative of the character of the man. Sim
ple of mind, totally without exaggeration, and a lover,
as well as a practicer, of severe truth, he was one
whose representations might be fully relied on. Even
in his account of the extraordinary combat between the
Richard and Serapis, he stripped the affair of all its
romance, and of every thing that was wonderful ; ren
dering the whole clear, simple and intelligible as his
own thoughts. The only narratives of that battle,
worthy of a seaman, have been written rigidly after
his explanations, which leave it a bloody and murder
ous fight, but one wholly without the marvelous.

On his arrival at Philadelphia, after an absence of
four years, more than one of which had been spent in
prison, Dale was just twenty-four years and two months
old. He was now regularly put on the list of lieu
tenants, by the marine committee of Congress; his

RICHARD DALE. 253

former authority proceeding from the agents of the go
vernment in Europe. It is owing to this circumstance
that the register of government places him so low as a
lieutenant. Dale now parted from Paul Jones, with
whom he had served near two years ; and that, too, in
some of the most trying scenes of the latter's life. The
•commodore was anxious to take his favorite lieutenant
with him to the America 74 ; but the latter declined
the service, under the impression it would be a long time
before the ship got to sea. He judged right, the America
being transferred to the French in the end, and Jones
himself never again sailing under the American flag.

The name of Dale wrill be inseparably connected
with the battle of the Richard and Serapis. His pro
minent position and excellent conduct entitle him to
this mark of distinction, and it says much for the su
perior, when it confers fame to have been " Paul Jones'
first lieutenant." We smile, however, at the legends
of the day, when we recall the account of the "Lieu
tenants Grubb" and other heroes of romance, who have
been made to figure in the histories of that renowned
combat, and place them in contrast with the truth-loving,
sincere, moral and respectable subject of this memoir.
The sword which Louis XVI. bestowed on Jones, for this
victory, passed into the hands of Dale, and is now the
property of a gallant son, a fitting mark of the service of
the father, on the glorious occasion it commemorates.*

* This sword has, quite recently, become the subject of public
discussion, and of some private feeling, under circumstances not
wholly without interest to the navy and the country. At page
63, vol. 2, of Mackenzie's Life of Paul Jones, is the following
note, viz :

VOL. II. 22

254 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

Dale was employed on board a schooner that was
manned from the Ariel, after reaching Philadelphia,
and sent down the Delaware to convoy certain public
stores. The following June, he joined the Trumbull

" This sword was sent by Jones' heirs to his valued friend,
Robert Morris, to whose favor he had owed his opportunities of ^
distinguishing himself. Mr. Morris gave the sword to the navy
of the United States. It was to be retained and worn by the
senior officer, and transmitted at his death, to his successor.
After passing through the hands of Commodore Barry, and one or
two other senior officers, it came into possession of Commodore
Dale, and now remains in his family, through some mistake in
the nature of the bequest, which seems to require that it should
either be restored to the navy in the person of its senior officer, or
else revert to the heirs of Mr. Robert Morris, from one of whom'
the writer has received this information."

That Captain Mackenzie has been correctly informed as to a
portion of the foregoing statement, is as probable as it is certain
he has been misled as to the remainder. It would have been
more discreet, however, in a writer to have heard both sides, pre
viously to laying such a statement before the world. A very lit
tle inquiry might have satisfied him that Commodore Dale could
not have held any thing as the senior officer of the navy, since he
never occupied that station. We believe the following will be
found to be accurate.

Of the manner in which Commodore Barry became possessed
of this sword we know nothing beyond report, and the statement
of Captain Mackenzie. We understand that a female member of
the Morris family gives a version of the affair like that published
in the note we have quoted, but the accuracy of her recollections
can hardly be put in opposition to the acts of such men as Barry
and Dale.

The sword never passed through the hands " of one or two other
senior officers," as stated by Captain Mackenzie, at all. It was
bequeathed by Commodore Barry to Commodore Dale, in his
will, and in the following words, viz.

" Item, I give and bequeath to my good friend Captain Richard
Dale, my gold-hiked sword, as a token of my esteem for him."

RICHARD DALE. 255

28, Capt. Nicholson, as her first lieutenant. The
Trumbull left the capes of the Delaware, on the 8th
August, 1781, being chased off the land by three of
the enemy's cruisers. The weather was squally, and

We have carefully examined the will, inventory, &c., of Com
modore Barry. The first is dated February 27, 1803 ; the will is
proved and the inventory filed in the following September, in
which month Commodore Barry died. Now Commodore Dale
was not in the navy at all, when this sword was bequeathed to
him, nor when he received it. Dale resigned in the autumn of
1802; and he never rose nearer to the head of the list of captains,
than to be the third in rank; Barry, himself, and Samuel Nichol
son, being his seniors, when he resigned.

The inventory of Commodore Barry's personal property is very
minute, containing articles of a value as low as one dollar. It
mentions two swords, both of which are specifically bequeathed —
viz. : " my gold-hilted," and " my silver-hilted sword." No allu
sion is made in the will to any trust. Only these two swords were
found among the assets, and each was delivered agreeably to the
bequest. The gold-hilted sword was known in the family, as the
" Paul Jones sword," and there is not the smallest doubt Com
modore Barry intended to bequeath this particular sword, in full
property, to Commodore Dale.

Let us next look to the probabilities of the case. The heirs of
Paul Jones, who left no issue, gave the sword to Robert Morris,
says Capt. Mackenzie, as a mark of gratitude. This may very
well be true. But Mr. Morris " gave the sword to the navy of
the United States," to be retained and worn by its senior officer.
It would have been a more usual course to have lodged the sword
in the Navy Department, had such been the intention. That
Commodore Barry did not view Aw possession of the sword in this
light, is clear enough by his will. He gave it, without restraint of
any sort, to a friend who was not in the navy at all, and who never
had been its senior officer. This he did, in full possession of his
mind and powers, six months before he died, and under circum
stances to render ,any misconception highly improbable. It may
be added, that Miss Jeannette Taylor, Paul Jones' niece, in a
written communication to the writer, affirms that information was

256 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

night set in dark. In endeavoring to avoid her pur
suers, the Trumbull found herself alongside of the
largest, a frigate of thirty-two guns, and an action was
fought under the most unfavorable circumstances.
The Trumbull's fore-topmast was hanging over, or
rather through her forecastle, her crew was disorgan
ized, and the vessel herself in a state of no preparation
for a conflict with an equal force ; much less with that
actually opposed to her. The officers made great ex
ertions, and maintained an action of more than an hour,
when the colors of the American ship were struck to
the Iris 32, and Monk 18. The former of these vessels
had been the American frigate Hancock, and the latter
was subsequently captured in the Delaware, by Barney,
in the Hyder Ally.

given her brother, which went to satisfy him that Robert Morris,
in his pecuniary difficulties, sold the sword to Barry. Of the fact,
the writer professes to know no more than is here stated.

Can we find any motive for the bequest of Commodore Barry ?
It was not personal to himself, as the sword went out of his own
family. The other sword he gave to a brother-in-law. "Paul
Jones' sword" was bequeathed to a distinguished professional
friend — to one who, of all others, next to Jones himself, had the
best professional right to wear it — to " Paul Jones' first lieute
nant." Commodore Dale did leave sons, and some in the navy ;
and the country will believe that the one who now owns the sword
has as good a moral right to wear it, as the remote collaterals of
Jones, and a much better right than the senior officer of the navy,
on proof as vague as that offered. His legal right to the sword
seems to be beyond dispute.

In the inventory of Commodore Barry's personals, this sword
is thus mentioned, viz.: — "a very elegant gold-hilled sword —
$300." The other sword is thus mentioned, viz. : — " a handsome
silver-hiked do., $100." It is worthy of remark, that Miss Tay
lor says the sword cost 500 louis d'or. The $300 may have been
the sum Barry paid for it.

RICHARD DALE. 257

This was the fourth serious affair in which Dale had
been engaged that war, and the fourth time he had
been captured. As he was hurt also in this battle, it
made the third of his wounds. His confinement, how
ever, was short, and the treatment not a subject of
complaint. He was taken into New York, paroled on
Long Island, and exchanged in November.

No new service offering in a marine which, by this
time, had lost most of its ships, Dale obtained a fur
lough, and joined a large letter-of-marque, called the
Queen of France, that carried twelve guns, as her first
officer. Soon after he was appointed to the command
of the same vessel. In the spring of 1782, this ship,
in company with several other letters-of-marque, sailed
for France, making many captures by the way. The
ship of Dale, however, parted from the fleet, and falling
in with an English privateer of fourteen guns, a severe
engagement followed, in which both parties were much
cut up ; they parted by mutual consent. Dale did not
get back to Philadelphia until February of the succeed
ing year, or until about the time that peace was made.

In common with most of the officers of the navy,
Lieutenant Dale was disbanded, as soon as the war
ceased. He was now in the twenty-seventh year of
his age, with a perfect knowledge of his profession, in
which he had passed more than half his life, a high
reputation for his rank, a courage that had often been
tried, a body well scarred, a character beyond reproach,
and not altogether without "money in his purse."
Under the circumstances, he naturally determined to
follow up his fortunes in the line in which he had com
menced his career. He became part owner of a large

258 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

ship, and sailed in her for London, December, 1783, in
the station of master. After this, he embarked success
fully in the East India trade, in the same character,
commanding several of the finest ships out of the
country. In this manner he accumulated a respect
able fortune, and began to take his place among the
worthies of the land in a new character.

In September, 1791, Mr. Dale was married to Dorothy
Crathorne, the daughter of another respectable ship
master of Philadelphia, and then a ward of Barry's.
With this lady he passed the remainder of his days,
she surviving him as his widow, and dying some years
later than himself. No change in his pursuits occurred
until 1794, when the new government commenced the
organization of another marine, which has resulted in
that which the country now possesses.

Dale was one of the six captains appointed under the
law of 1794, that directed the construction of as many
frigates, with a view to resist the aggressions of Algiers.
Each of the new captains was ordered to superintend
the construction of one of the frigates, and Dale, who
was fifth in rank, was directed to assume the superin
tendence of the one laid down at Norfolk, virtually the
place of his nativity. -This ship was intended to be a
frigate of the first class, but, by some mistake in her
moulds, she Droved in the end to be the smallest of the
six vessels then built. It was the unfortunate Chesa
peake, a vessel that never was in a situation to reflect
much credit on the service. Her construction, how
ever, was deferred, in consequence of an arrangement
with Algiers, and her captain was put on furlough.

Dale now returned to the China trade, in which he

RICHARD DALE. 259

continued until the spring of 1798. The last vessel he
commanded was called the Ganges. She was a fine,
fast ship, and the state of our relations with France
requiring a hurried armament, the government bought
this vessel, in common with several others, put an arma
ment of suitable guns in her, with a fall crew, gave her to
Dale, and ordered her on the coast as a regular cruiser.

In consequence of this arrangement, Capt. Dale was
the first officer who ever got to sea under the pennant
of the present navy. He sailed in May, 1798, and was
followed by the Constellation and Delaware in a few
days. The service of Dale in his new capacity was
short, however, in consequence of some questions relat
ing to rank. The captains appointed in 1794 claimed
their old places, and, it being uncertain what might be
the final decision of the government, as there were many
aspirants, Dale declined serving until the matter was
determined. In May, 1799, he sailed for Canton again,
in command of a strong letter-of-marque, under a fur
lough. On his return from this voyage, he found his
place on the list settled according to his own views of
justice and honor, and reported himself for service.
Nothing offered, however, until the difficulties with
France were arranged; but, in May, 1801, he was
ordered to take command of a squadron of observation
about to be sent to the Mediterranean.

Dale now hoisted his broad pennant, for the first and
only time, and assumed the title by which he was known
for the rest of his days. He was in the prime of life,
being in his forty-fifth year, of an active, manly frame,
and had every prospect before him of a long and honor
able service. The ships put under his orders were the

260 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

President 44, Capt. James Barren ; Philadelphia 38,
Capt. S. Barren; Essex 32, Capt. William Bainbridge ;
and Enterprise 12, Lieut. Com. Sterrett. A better
appointed, or a better commanded force, probably never
sailed from America. But there was little to do, under
the timid policy and defective laws of the day. Wai-
was not supposed to exist, although hostilities did ; and
cruisers were*sent into foreign seas with crews shipped
for a period that would scarcely allow of a vessel's being
got into proper order.

The squadron sailed June 1st, 1801, and reached
Gibraltar July 1st. The Philadelphia blockaded the
Tripolitan admiral, with two cruisers, in Gibraltar,
while the other vessels went aloft. A sharp action
occurred between the Enterprise and a Tripolitan of
equal force, in which the latter was compelled to sub
mit, but was allowed to go into her own port again, for
want of legal authority to detain her. Dale appeared
off Tripoli, endeavored to negotiate about an exchange
of prisoners, and did blockade the port ; but his orders
fettered him in a way to prevent any serious enter
prises. In a word, no circumstances occurred to allow
the commodore to show his true character, except as it
was manifested in his humanity, prudence and dignity.
As a superior, he obtained the profound respect of all
under his orders, and to this day his name is mentioned
with regard by those who then served under him. It
is thought that this squadron did much toward establish
ing the high discipline of the marine. In one instance
only had Dale an opportunity of manifesting his high
personal and professional qualities. The President
struck a rock, in quitting Port Mahon, and for some

RICHARD DALE. 261

hours she was thought to be in imminent danger of
foundering. Dale assumed the command, and one of
his lieutenants, himself subsequently a flag officer of
rare seamanship and merit, has often recounted to the
writer his admiration of the commodore's coolness,
judgment, and nerve, on so trying an occasion. The
ship was carried to Toulon, blowing a gale, and, on ex
amination, it was found that she was only saved from
destruction by the skilful manner in which the wood
ends had been secured.

The vigilance of Dale was so great, however, and his
dispositions so skilful, that the Tripolitans made no cap
tures while he commanded in those seas. In March,
1802, he sailed for home, under his orders, reaching
Hampton Roads in April, after a cruise of about- ten
months. The succeeding autumn, Com. Dale received
an order to hold himself in readiness to resume the com
mand from which he had just returned. Ever ready to
serve his country, when it could be done with honor, he
would cheerfully have made his preparations accord
ingly, but, by the order itself, he ascertained that he
was to be sent out without a captain in his own ship.
This, agreeably to the notions he entertained, was a
descent in the scale of rank, and he declined serving
on such terms. There being no alternative between
obedience and resignation, he chose the latter, and quit
ted the navy. At this time, he was the third captain
on the list, and it is no more than justice to say, that he
stood second to no other in the public estimation.

Dale never went to sea again. Enjoying an ample
fortune, and possessing the esteem of all who knew
him, he commanded the respect of those with whom he

262 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

differed in opinion touching the question which drove
him from the navy. With the latter he never quar
reled, for, at the proper period, he gave to it his two
eldest sons. To the last he retained his interest in its
success, and his care of mariners, in general, extended
far beyond the interests of this life.

Many years previously to his death, Com. Dale
entered into full communion with the Protestant Epis
copal church, of which he proved a consistent and pious
member. Under the newly awakened feelings which
induced this step, he was the originator of a Mariner's
Church, in Philadelphia, attending it in person, every
Sunday afternoon, for a long succession of years. He
was as free with his purse, too, as with his time ; and
his charities, though properly concealed, were believed
to be large and discriminating. With some it may be
deemed a matter of moment, with all it should be a
proof of the estimation in which Dale was held by cer
tainly a very respectable part of his fellow citizens, that
he was named to be the first president of the Washing
ton Benevolent Society ; an association that soon degen
erated to serve the ends of party politics, whatever
may have been the design that influenced the few
with which it originated.

The evening of the life of Dale was singularly peace
ful and happy. It was as calm as its morning had been
tempestuous. It is true he had to weep for the loss of
his first-born son, a noble youth, who died of wounds
received in the action between his old ship, the Presi
dent, and a British squadron ; but he had given the
young man to his country, and knew how to bear up
under the privation. He died, himself, in the seventieth

RICHARD DALE. 263

year of his age, in his dwelling at Philadelphia, Febru
ary 26, 1826 ; departing in peace with God and man,
as he fondly trusted himself, and as those who survive
have every reason to hope.

By his marriage with Miss Crathorne, Com. £)ale had
several children, five of whom lived to become men and
women, viz. : three sons and two daughters. Of the
former, Richard, the eldest, fell at an early age, a mid
shipman on board the President. John Montgomery,
the second* is now a commander in the navy, having
served with Warrington, in the last English war. This
gentleman is married to a lady of the well known family
of Willing. Edward Crathorne, the youngest son, is
a merchant of Philadelphia. He is married, and has
children. The eldest daughter, Sarah, married T.
M'Kean Pettit, Esq., a judge of the District Court, in
Philadelphia, and is dead, leaving issue. Elizabeth,
the youngest, is the wife of Com. George Campbell
Read, of the navy, and has no issue.

In considering the character of Dale, we are struck
with its simple modesty and frank sincerity, quite as
much as with its more brilliant qualities. His courage
and constancy were of the highest order, rendering him
always equal to the most critical duties, and never
wearying in their performance. Such a man is per
fectly free from all exaggeration. As he was not afraid
to act when his cooler judgment approved, he had no
distrusts to overcome ere he could forbear, as prudence
dictated. Jones found him a man ready and willing
to second all his boldest and most hazardous attempts,
so long as reason showed the probabilities of success ;
but the deed done, none more thoroughly stripped it of

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264 NAVAL BIOGRAPHY.

all false coloring, or viewed it in a truer light, than he
who had risked his life in aiding to achieve it.

The person of Dale was in harmony with his moral
qualities. It was manly, seaman-like, and of singularly
respectable, bearing. Simplicity, good faith, truth and
courage were imprinted on his countenance, which all
who were thrown into his company soon discovered
was no more than the mirror of his mind. The navy
has had more brilliant -intellects, officers of profounder
mental attainments, and of higher natural gifts, but it
has had few leaders of cooler judgment, sounder dis
cretion, more inflexible justice, or indomitable resolution.
He was of a nature, an experience, and a professional
skill to command respect and to inspire confidence,
tributes that were cheerfully paid by all who served
under his orders. The writer of this article has had
extensive opportunities of hearing character discussed
among the sea-officers of his country; few escape cri
ticism of some sort or other, for their professional acts,
and fewer still, as men; yet he cannot recall a single
instance in which he has ever heard a whisper of com
plaint against the public or private career of Richard
Dale; This total exemption from the usual fortunes of
the race, may in part be owing to the shortness of the
latter's service in the present marine, and to the limited
acquaintance of his contemporaries ; but it is difficult to
believe that it is not chiefly to be ascribed to the tho
roughly seaman-like character of the officer, and to the
perfect truth and sterling probity of the man.

END OF VOL. II.

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GENERAL LIBRARY - U.C. BERKELEY

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